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strongly of the channel through which it came, and deserves no notice. But, since his name is mentioned, it gives me occasion to relate what passed between us the last time I had the honor of conversing with him. It was at court, when the late changes were first rumored, and it was reported he was to resign the secretary's office. Talking of America, I said I was sorry to find, that our friends were one after another quitting the administration, that I was apprehensive of the consequences, and hoped what I heard of his going out was not true. He said it was really true, the employment had not been of his choice, he had never any taste for it, but had submitted to engage in it for a time, at the instance of his friends, and he believed his removal could not be attended with any ill consequences to America; that he was a sincere wellwisher to the prosperity of that country as well as this, and hoped the imprudences of either side would never be carried to such a height, as to create a breach of the union, so essentially necessary to the welfare of both; that, as long as his Majesty continued to honor him with a share in his counsels, America should always find in him a friend, &c. This I write, as it was agreeable to me to hear, and I suppose will be so to you to read. For his character has more in it of the frank honesty of the soldier, than of the plausible insincerity of the courtier; and therefore what he says is more to be depended on.

The Proprietor's dislike to my continuing in England, to be sure, is very natural; as well as to the repeated choice of Assembly men, not his friends; and probably he would, as they so little answer his purposes, wish to see elections as well as agencies abol

ished. They make him very unhappy, but it cannot be helped.

The proceedings in Boston, as the news came just upon the meeting of Parliament, and occasioned great clamor here, gave me much concern. And, as every offensive thing done in America is charged upon all, and every province, though unconcerned in it, suffers in its interests through the general disgust given, and the little distinction here made, it became necessary, I thought, to palliate the matter a little for our own sakes; and therefore I wrote the paper, which probably you have seen printed in the Chronicle of January 7th, and signed F. S. Yours affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

FROM JOSEPH GALLOWAY TO B. FRANKLIN.

State of Affairs in Pennsylvania.

DEAR SIR,

Philadelphia, 10 March, 1768.

I enclose this in a packet sent by the Committee of Correspondence, containing the messages which passed between the two Houses of legislature at their last sitting. By them you will be able to form a proper judgment of the affairs of this province, which, in the opinion of all good men here, are at length reduced to the most desperate circumstances. All the mischiefs we have long expected, if not come to pass, are now in full prospect. We have long seen, that the powers of government, united in the same hands, with immense property, would necessarily be attended with many inconveniences both to the crown, and the subject; and that those powers, vested in the feeble hands of private subjects, would prove too weak to

support his Majesty's authority, or to give safety to his people. The first will ever naturally lead to acts of injustice, ambition, and oppression; and these things, in private men, will more especially beget disrespect, and that disrespect soon ripen into contempt; the consequence whereof in this province is, we have the name of a government, but no safety or protection under it. We have laws without being executed, or even feared or respected. We have offenders, but no punishment. We have a magistracy, but no justice; and a governor, but no government. And, you well know, we possess the warmest allegiance to our sovereign and our mother country; and yet our persons and estates are every hour liable to the ravages of the licentious and lawless, without any hope of defence against them.

The impunity, with which offenders escape, is a perpetual encouragement to the licentious and wicked to commit new offences. This day, an account arrived from Lancaster, that two soldiers, sent with despatches from the commanding officer at Fort Pitt, were attacked in Paxton township, their letters taken from them, one of which was immediately destroyed, after being opened and read; the rest opened, but redelivered. I have seen the opened letters, which were not destroyed. What was the nature or consequence of the letter destroyed, none can tell. Take a view, dear Sir, of these facts, with what you know has heretofore passed in the government, and add to them the declaration of our governor, that he can do no more in his station towards bringing offenders to justice, than issuing a proclamation, and writing a few mild letters to his magistracy, and tell me, whether you think we can believe ourselves, or our estates, safe under the present government. I do most candidly

assure you, could I convert my estate into personalty, without great loss, I should immediately remove it with my family into a government, where I could reasonably expect they would be safe from violation. In this, it is the opinion of all who are active in supporting the honor of the government, and the authority of the crown, that their lives and property are in great jeopardy and danger.

Under these circumstances, the Assembly think it their indispensable duty to acquaint his Majesty and ministry of the state of the province. For which purpose the papers are sent to the agents, and they are ordered to prosecute the petitions for a change; in hopes, that our distracted and distressed situation will draw his Majesty's attention and compassion so far towards us, as to take the government under his immediate direction.

It gives me pleasure to find a new establishment is made for American affairs only. May we not hope for more attention to our unhappy circumstances, and especially under the nobleman who is at its head? I am, &c. JOSEPH GALLOWAY.

TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN.

Lord Hillsborough's Plan for Defence in America. His Opinion of the "Farmer's Letters." - Power of Parliament over the Colonies. - Account of the Manufactures in the Colonies. -Elections in England.

DEAR SON,

London, 13 March, 1768.

I have received, all together, your letters of January 6th, 21st, and 22d. It had been a great while, that

G G*

I had not heard from you. The purpose of settling the new colonies seems at present to be dropped, the change of American administration not appearing favorable to it. There seems rather to be an inclination to abandon the posts in the back country, as more expensive than useful; but counsels are so continually fluctuating here, that nothing can be depended on. The new secretary, my Lord Hillsborough, is, I find, of opinion, that the troops should be placed, the chief part of them, in Canada and Florida, only three battalions to be quartered in New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania; and that Forts Pitt, Oswego, Niagara, &c., should be left to the colonies to garrison and keep up, if they think it necessary, for the protection of their trade. Probably his opinion may be followed, if the new changes do not produce other ideas.

As to my own sentiments, I am weary of suggesting them to so many different inattentive heads, though I must continue to do it while I stay among them. The letters from Sir William Johnson, relating to the boundary, were at last found, and orders were sent over about Christmas for completing the purchase and settlement of it. My Lord Hillsborough has promised me to send duplicates by this packet, and urge the speedy execution, as we represented to him the danger, that these dissatisfactions of the Indians might produce a war. But I can tell you, there are many here, to whom the news of such a war would give pleasure; who speak of it as a thing to be wished; partly as a chastisement to the colonies, and partly to make them feel the want of protection from this country, and pray for it. For it is imagined, that we could not possibly defend ourselves against the Indians without such assistance; so little is the state of America understood here.

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