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carried into Martinico and Guadaloupe, that the French know our bay and river as well as we do, that they are sure the Quakers will not consent to the raising fortifications, that there are no men-of-war upon the coast, that vast wealth may be got from the plunder of the city, and that some merchants and captains of ships in the French islands have actually concerted a scheme, to be executed by six privateers, of force against the city, some time next year. They tell further, that the captains of the English men-of-war have orders to detain every French sailor they take, and to send them to England, and never to suffer any of them to be exchanged, or to go to any of the French ports in the West Indies. I know not what truth there is in this, but they say the French have got this notion, and therefore think, that the French privateers will quit their cruises in the West Indies, and come by shoals on this coast next summer; and, if a number of them should by chance meet together, they may, having some of our pilots on board, encourage one another to make an attempt on the city, especially if there should be no men-of-war in New York or Virginia.

These accounts are handed about amongst the tradesmen, and have made strong impressions on numbers. The Quakers too have exasperated several of their people by an unseasonable inquisition into the names of all such of their persuasion, as contributed to the manning out the Warren privateer for a cruise on our coast,

was taken. They conceived that the articles of association gave too much power to the associators, who were permitted to choose their own officers, thus encroaching upon the prerogative of the governor. Mr. Peters explained, and spoke favorably of the associators, saying that they acted only by orders from the Council, and that, although they were allowed to choose their officers, yet these were commissioned by the governor, who had it in his own power at any time to revoke the commissions.

in order to drive away the French and Spanish privateers that infested the Bay last summer, with an intent to excommunicate all who will not recant. Not only moderate Friends are disobliged at these imperious measures of the meeting, but it has raised universal odium in the members of all the other congregations. Benjamin Franklin, who has for some time past been really apprehensive of a visit from the French, observing this turn in the people's minds, thought he could by some well wrote papers improve this opportunity, take advantage of their fears, and spirit them up to an Association for their defence. He communicated this opinion to Mr. Francis, Mr. Coleman, and Mr. Hopkinson, on which a scheme was formed to assume the character of a tradesman, to fall foul of the Quakers and their opposers equally, as people from whom no good could be expected, and, by this artifice, to animate all the middling persons to undertake their own defence, in opposition to the Quakers and the gentlemen.

If this should take effect, Mr. Allen and his friends might publish a vindication of their conduct, and modestly offer a junction of their interest to promote the public good. Franklin offered to print all papers gratis, in his Gazette; and, if they should be too voluminous to be inserted there, he would not only print them gratis pamphlet-wise, but send them with the Gazette to every one of his customers. The first thing that was done, in consequence of this overture, was the publication of some verses in praise of Robert Barclay, taken, I suppose, out of one of the Magazines; then a quotation out of his "Apology" on the subject of defence, with some sly but strong observations, which any pious and well inclined Quaker might make. This had its effect in dividing moderate men from bigots, and begot open exclamations against the inquisition set up

by the meeting from men, who, but just before, were observed to stifle their disgust.

On the 17th instant there appeared a strong and pathetic appeal to the people, mostly of Franklin's own doing, and in the next weekly paper some quotations were inserted from Thomas Edmundson. On Saturday there was a meeting of one hundred persons, mostly tradesmen, in Chancellor's sail-loft, and Franklin, after having addressed them as the first movers in every useful undertaking, that had been projected for the good of the city, Library Company, Fire Companies, &c., pulled a draft of an intended Association out of his pocket and read it. All approved and offered to sign it. "No," says he, "let us not sign yet; let us offer it at least to the gentlemen, and, if they come into it, well and good, we shall be the better able to carry it into execution." On this, all the better sort of the people met on Monday at the Coffee House, where Franklin produced his draft, and it was unanimously agreed, that several should be printed and signed at the new building the next night; which was accordingly done, and I am told by Mr. Franklin, that there will be a thousand hands to it before night.

I have given you a full relation of every thing that is come to my knowledge relating to this affair, having had no hand in it, neither privately nor publicly myself; but in justice to Mr. Allen I must tell you, that, when he first communicated the affair to me, which was before it was reduced to any settled form or plan, he told me, that Mr. Franklin and the other persons concerned desired I should be made acquainted with every step,. since they had nothing in view but the security of their lives and properties, and thought they were at the same time doing the Proprietaries true service, in defending the country by a volunteer association, which the legis

lature had refused to do; and therefore they expected the countenance and assistance of the Proprietaries, and depended on me to make their regards to the Proprietors' family known to them in such a manner, as to induce them to believe the associators were heartily in their interest; and, as vast numbers would accede to them, it would be mightily for their advantage to encourage them by a generous supply of cannon and small arms.

In short, the scheme took its rise from the just fears and apprehensions, which all sorts of people were under for their lives and properties; and, though there may be at the bottom of it a personal antipathy to Quakers, who brought the country into this dilemma, yet they really desire to recommend themselves to the Proprietaries. RICHARD PETERS.

FROM JAMES LOGAN TO B. FRANKLIN.*

MY FRIEND B. FRANKLIN,

3 December, 1747.

I have expected to see thee here for several weeks, according to my son's information, with Euclid's titlepage printed, and my Mattaire's Lives of the Stephenses;

* James Logan, descended from an ancient family of Restalrig in Scotland, was born at Lurgan, in Ireland, 1674. His father was a man of great learning, and educated for the Scottish church; but, having been converted to the principles of the Quakers, he was, at the time of his son's birth, a teacher in a public school in that Society. At an early age James Logan became imbued with a love of letters and science. Before he was thirteen years old, he had made uncommon proficiency in the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew languages. He soon afterwards acquired a taste for the mathematics, in which he became profoundly skilled, and which science seems to have been his favorite study through life. For a few years he had charge of a large Grammar School at Bristol, in England; but he afterwards engaged in commerce. Becoming acquainted with William Penn, he was induced by him to give up

but it is probable thy thoughts of thy new excellent project have in some measure diverted thee, to which I most heartily wish all possible success; of which, notwithstanding, I have some doubts, partly for want of arms for some of the common people, who may be willing to enlist, and for want of will in many others, as well of the Dutch as of our people, and both these for want of a militia act to compel them. Ever since I have had the power of thinking, I have clearly seen that government without arms is an inconsistency.

his plans of life, and accompany him as secretary on his second visit to Pennsylvania, in 1699.

Having acquired the entire confidence of the Proprietor, he was left by him in the charge of his private estate, and in the important offices of Provincial Secretary, Commissioner of Property, and Receiver-General. In the course of his life, he filled the places of Recorder of the City of Philadelphia, Presiding Judge of Common Pleas, Chief Justice of the Province, and President of the Council, in which last office he governed the Province for two years, from 1736 to 1738. He also had the entire management of the intercourse with the Indians. When William Penn left the Province, in 1701, he presented Mr. Logan to the assembled Chiefs, as his representative; and this choice of an agent was justified by his conduct. During the whole of his public life, the affectionate intercourse commenced by William Penn, and the confidential reliance inspired by his justice and benevolence, were preserved by James Logan. It is perhaps worthy of being mentioned, that the celebrated Mingo Chief, whose eloquent speech is contained in Mr. Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, was named Logan by his father Shickellemy, as a mark of respect and gratitude for the friend and protector of himself and his race.

A history of James Logan's public life would be that of Pennsylvania during the first forty years of the last century. Venerating William Penn, with whose noble and generous nature he was well acquainted, he stood up at all times in his defence against the encroachments of the Assembly; and, if he forfeited his popularity, and endured calumny and persecution, he preserved his fidelity, the confidence of his employers, and the respect of all good men. Weary of the burden of public office, he retired in 1738 from all his salaried employments, remaining only a short time longer a member of the Provincial Council. At his estate, called Stenton, near Germantown, he passed in retirement the remainder of his days, devoted to agriculture and his favorite studies. A large collection of mathematical papers in manuscript, exhibiting extensive and varied researches in that science, are marked on the envelope, Hora ante Nonam,

VOL. VII.

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