the independent press? Who would appeal more strongly to the latent moral sense which twice elected Cleveland? Who would inspire a more helpful feeling of security and stability in the minds of all business men engaged in honest enterprise?"

THE FIGHT FOR A FREE PARTY AND A FREE CONVENTION. Throughout the preconvention campaign of 1912 THE WORLD called for a free party and a free convention. THE WORLD declared that the issue was greater than any man, greater even than the Democratic party. "The best wisdom and the best patriotism in the Baltimore convention will be none too great to meet this crisis," it said. "For Itself THE WORLD intends to remain free to give to the Democratic party the benefit of its disinterested advice and its unblased judgment " Refusing to chain Itself to the ambition of any candidate, urging with impartiality the careful weighing of all, it declared that it could support Oscar W. Underwood, Champ Clark, Woodrow Wilson or Judson Harmon "without sacrificing any of our political principles."

But after the selection of delegates to the national convention had brought to no candidate for the Democratic nomination the necessary two-thirds, THE WORLD on May 30 editorially came out for Governor Woodrow Wilson of New Jersey, showing by plain figures, cold facts and careful analysis that he was the ablest man, the wisest statesman and the strongest campaigner; and that he would be the most successful vote-getter the party could present to the people.

"THE WORLD belleves," it said, "that he would be a progressive constitutional President whom the American people could trust and for whom they would never have cause to apologize."

And in that editorial THE WORLD called on Mr. Bryan "to throw his great political influence upon the side of Governor Wilson and ald the Democratie party to meet adequately this great crisis in the Nation's history. He has the most brilliant opportunity for disinterested patriotic leadership that has come to any American of this generation."

THE WORLD'S hard-hitting editorials throughout the convention battles had been dally before the eyes of every delegate. On the day following the nomination, in its bugle call for this latter-day Armageddon THE WORLD Voiced the verdict of the Democracy:

"The nomination of Woodrow Wilson for President means a new Democracy. It means a new epoch in American self-government. The Democratic party at last has broken Its shackles. It has emancipated itself. It has rehabilitated itself in power and principle. It has turned its face to the rising sun, to re-establish the faith of the American people in their own Institutions. Woodrow Wilson will be the next President of the United States. But he will be more than that. He will be the first President of the United States in a generation to go into office owing favors to nobody except the American people and under obligations to nothing except the general welfare.

He

"No political boss brought about his nomination. No political machine carried his candidacy to victory. No coterie of Wall Street financiers provided the money to finance his campaign. has no debts to pay to corrupt politics or to corrupt business. He was nominated by the irresistible force of public opinion, and by that alone. He stands before the country a free man. The American people have set out to regain possession of their government, and Woodrow Wilson was nominated for President because he embodies that issue. The bosses and the plutocrats who tried to prevent his nomination were beaten by the power of the people, and the power that nominated him is the power that will elect him.

"It is because Governor Wilson represents this vital principle that THE WORLD SO persistently urged his nomination. It is because Governor Wilson represents this principle that he will be triumphantly elected in November. Such a man is imperatively needed, and the American people, true to their traditions in every crisis, have again found him."

By an overwhelming electoral majority the States of the Union have put their seal of approval on these principles, and rejoicing in this verdict THE WORLD looks forward to the coming four years of Democratic administration with confidence in the final verdict of history.

In the four months' triangular campaign, though the task of reporting adequately the doings of three great parties with unusually vigorous State fights taxed the resources of the paper's news columns, THE WORLD was able to present to Its readers the fullest, clearest exposition of the oppressive burdens of the Payne-Aldrich tariff. The figures were the work of months of its own experts ably assisted by such authorities as R. K. MacLea, and the presentation of the amazing facts vividly, pictorially and with many of the "jokers" required a page a day for sixteen issues. These features THE WORLD sent broadcast to Important papers throughout the country.

THE FIGHT AGAINST HUGE CAMPAIGN CORRUPTION FUNDS.

It is with profound satisfaction that THE WORLD impresses on the attention of the public that this campaign of 1912 marked the end of a long fight which it has made in season and out of season against the corruption of huge campaign funds gotten together by the sale of privilege. "Frying the fat" out of tariff-protected industries was the terse characterization of B. F. Jones of Pittsburgh, the Republican National Chairman in 1884; "assessing the corporations" was Mark Hanna's plain, blunt, business man's expression when managing McKinley's campaigns in 1896 and 1900; “you and I are practical men" was the phrase in President Roosevelt's letter in 1904 to the man on whom he called at the eleventh hour to raise $250,000, "which turned 50,000 votes in New York" in Mr. Harriman's own words. Bad as conditions had been in 1896, in no campaign had this become so grave a scandal, or the contributions so scientifically "demanded" as in that campaign of 1904. With the unerring Insight of his long experience and keen judgment, Mr. Pulitzer on October 1 of that year published in THE WORLD an editorial, the longest and most carefully prepared that he ever wrote it filled a page and a half. "How about the great corporations which do contribute to the campaign fund?" he asked of the President who was then a candidate for re-election "There is no big stick for them; no marines, no warships-nothing but secrecy. silence, solicitation,' surrender."

He then put to the President-not for the Democratie party but for democratic institutions; not
against the Republican party but for the Republic," these ten questions that have become famous:
How much has the Beef Trust contributed to Mr. Cortelyou?
How much has the Paper Trust contributed to Mr. Cortelyou?
How much has the Coal Trust contributed to Mr. Cortelyou?
How much has the Sugar Trust contributed to Mr. Cortelyou?
How much has the Oil Trust contributed to Mr. Cortelyou?
How much has the Tobacco Trust contributed to Mr. Cortelyou?
How much has the Steel Trust contributed to Mr. Cortelyou?
How much has the Insurance Trust contributed to Mr. Cortelyou?
How much have the national banks contributed to Mr. Cortelyou?
How much have the six great railroad trusts contributed to Mr. Cortelyou?

There was then no answer. There was a flaming retort from Colonel Roosevelt to Judge Parker when the Democratic candidate made on the stump kindred charges at the campaign's end. But the truth has come out-slowly, indeed, but surely. The first answer was forced out in the insurance Investigation in 1905, which, thanks to THE WORLD'S persistent digging and Hughes' legal skill, became a powerful searchlight revealing a mass of hidden corruption. More appeared when THE WORLD on April 2, 1907, printed exclusively the famous letter of E. H. Harriman to Sidney Webster. And in the testimony before the Senate sub-committee in the Summer and early Autumn the whole story came out. The ten questions have been answered and THE WORLD on October 1 reprinted Its editorial of eight years before that its then unheeded warning might carry again its lesson to ears at last opened to facts and eyes clear to see and shun danger. Not again will a Mark Hanna raise from beneficiaries of privilege a $5,000,000 "slush fund." THE WORLD chronicled in November that the campaign fund of the successful Democratic party amounted to $1,100,000, contributed by over 90,000 individuals, with not a dollar received from any corporation.

THE WORLD'S service In the New York State campaign was not less valuable. Its staff of Investigators, alded by efficient engineers, was put to work in the State Highways Department and showed in a series of articles how the department under the Dix-Murphy administration had been turned into a powerful political machine to the serious detriment of the roads, how money had been lavishly spent and how much Had been wasted, to say the least, and how by an unconstitutional "expedited routes" system privileged persons and communities had profited with expensive roads at the expense of those for whose benefit the huge highway fund of $50,000,000 had been voted by the people. Governor Dix was not renominated; Boss Murphy kept his hand off the convention; and the Democrats nominated and elected William Sulzer Governor, a man who Is pledged to an unbossed administration in which privilege gives way to the people.

Citizens of the Borough of the Bronx after the November election passed resolutions thanking THE WORLD for its ten years' fight helping that borough to become a county, an ambition happily attained by referendum on Election Day. To Senator Stephen J. Stilwell belongs the individual honor, for he, with tireless energy, put through the Legislature the bill that means so much to the political future of the Bronx, and, under wise leadership, of the State.

KEEP THE FAITH CARRY OUT PARTY PLEDGES.

Though the new administration must walt until March 4 to take up its dutles, THE WORLD began immediately after the election of Governor Wilson was assured to blaze the way to success. "Keep the Faith!" It cried as it editorially called attention to the fact that pressure had been brought to bear upon Woodrow Wilson not to call Congress in special session to revise the Payne-Aldrich schedules, and that pressure has been brought to bear upon the Democratic National Committee to oppose a special session.

This is a counsel of Infamy to which Mr. Wilson cannot and will not listen, and to which no honest Democrat should listen," said THE WORLD editorially.

"If the Democratic party postpones tariff revision It is doomed. Delay will be interpreted as proof of timidity and bad faith, and the sentiment of the country will turn at once against the Wilson administration. It is the first great duty of the party to stand behind President Wilson as a unit and carry out the platform pledges without a day's unnecessary delay. This is no time for a second exhibition of Democratic perfidy and dishonor. Keep the Faith!'

THE WORLD at once sent telegrams to every Democrat elected to the new Congress, asking him where he stood on the question of calling an extra session to take up tariff reform. The response to the poll was instant and overwhelmingly insistent that the party meet and "Keep the Falth!" Governor Wilson, impressed, asked THE WORLD for the answers of the Congressmen and on November 15 began his administration by his announcement to the press:

"I shall call Congress together in extraordinary session not later than April 15. I shall do this not only because I think that the pledges of the party ought to be redeemed as promptly as possible, but also because I know it to be in the interest of business that all uncertainty as to what the particular items of tariff revision are to be should be removed as soon as possible."

LIGHT ON THE MONEY TRUST.

THE WORLD added another valuable chapter to the many that it has exclusively presented to the public by exposing the real inwardness of the so-called Roosevelt panic of 1907. It had furnished to the Stanley committee of Congress invaluable facts as to one outcome-the gobbling up of the Tennessee Coal and Iron Company by the Steel Trust with the express permission of President Roosevelt. On June 13, while the Pujo committee of Congress investigating the so-called Money Trust was taking testimony in New York, THE WORLD published the actual facts surrounding the loan of $25,000,000 to the brokers on the Stock Exchange on October 24, 1907, the big day of the panie. THE WORLD showed that this was not the money of J. P. Morgan & Co., the reputed saviors of Wall Street, but was money deposited that very day with selected national banks by the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Cortelyou.

The facts in brief were thus published: The Secretary of the Treasury on October 23, when call money had reached 125 and the gravest fears seemed certain to be realized, found that his mere promise of rellef had not helped the situation. That night there was another long conference in which Mr. Morgan participated. At the close after midnight on the morning of the 24th. Mr. Cortelyou issued this statement:

"As an evidence of the Treasury's position I have directed deposits in banks of this city to the amount of $25,000,000." All the morning, bankers congregated around Mr. Morgan and William Rockefeller, who was with him in his office and learned to what extent each would share in the distribution of this money. Mr. Morgan was the absolute dictator. As soon as the word went forth that $25,000,000 would be loaned out on Stock Exchange collateral by the banks sharing in it, the tension was relleved. Brokers gladly paid the high interest rate-50 per cent.-demanded. They were told at the close of business to send over to Morgan's office and get a memorandum which directed each broker to some bank that had received a deposit of Treasury funds. Mr. Morgan's part was that of being in control of

both the bank and the United States Treasury funds, by agreement of Secretary Cortelyou and the bankers under his direct or dominant influence.

"As soon as I read that exclusive publication in THE WORLD this morning," said Samuel Untermyer, counsel for the Pujo committee, "I decided to examine Mr. Cortelyou and subpoena any member of J. P. Morgan & Co. I could reach. The testimony of these gentlemen (Mr. Cortelyou and Mr. Charles Steele) has borne out fully everything stated in THE WORLD, and the evidence is conclusive that it was not the phlianthropic Mr. Morgan but the Treasury of the United States that came to the rescue of the panic-stricken gamblers of the stock market."

From the records of the Sub-Treasury and of J. P. Morgan & Co. was put in evidence in consequence a table showing in brief that at this time the United States Treasury deposited in or loaned to fourteen banks $37,697,000; that these fourteen banks agreed to loan brokers $23,550,000; and that these fourteen banks actually did loan to brokers $18,945,000. Twelve of these fourteen banks are generally recognized as being important members of the Morgan-Rockefeller group. They are the First National, the National City, the Hanover, the Chase, the Fourth National, the Park, the Chemical, the Mechanics and Metals, the American Exchange, the Corn Exchange, the National Bank of Commerce, and the Bank of America. The other two banks, whose combined loans amounted to $800,000 only, were the Bank of the Manhattan Company and the Importers and Traders.

THE WORLD on October 20 and on November 11 added to its record for public service by pubIlshing exclusively valuable analyses of the report prepared by the expert accountants of the Money Trust investigation committee of Congress which showed that the Morgan-Rockefeller interests dominate properties of all classes with capital and funded indebtedness of $36,711,328,678, over one-third of the nation's wealth; and that in particular this same influence dominated 305 financial Institutions (whose names, addresses and resources were given) with a total capital, surplus reserves and deposits of $8,097,631,011-all this through a maze of Interlocking directorates. And THE WORLD announced that the committee's attorneys will strive to show that it is absolutely Impossible for "outsiders" to finance any enterprise without the sanction of the "Money Kings;" that unwelcome competitors can be driven from the big pursuits of commerce with comparative ease if they offend those who hold the purse strings; and that there are few if any financial institutions in the country which are willing to withstand, or are capable of withstanding, the demands of the great MorganRockefeller system of banks.

THE MURDER OF HERMAN ROSENTHAL.

Herman Rosenthal, an East Side gambler, who had sought the richer pickings of Broadway and the Tenderloin, went before Magistrate Butts at the West Side Police Court on July 12 and made an affidavit charging oppression against Police Inspector Cornelius Hayes and Police Captain William Day of the West Forty-seventh Street Police Station, and asking for a warrant for their arrest because a policeman was being kept on permanent post in his gambling house, No. 104 West Forty-fifth Street since April 15, when it had been raided and put out of business by Police Lieutenant Charles Becker and his "Strong-Arm" squad. The Magistrate denied the request, holding the evidence presented Insufficient, but all the newspapers printed the story of Rosenthal's futile visit, and an interview with him. He made open charges against the police, declared that a lieutenant of police was his partner in the gambling house, having put up $1,500 on a chattel mortgage and collecting 20 per cent. of the profits of the house. He said he had laid the facts of the oppression before the DistrictAttorney, and, mentioning names, sald he knew the entire system of "protection" and knew the men who were getting the thousands of dollars paid in weekly by the gamblers.

THE WORLD knowing that there was a very real basis for the gambler's charges did not drop the case. It sent a staff correspondent with Rosenthal's interview to see District-Attorney Whitman, who was at Newport. Mr. Whitman said: "I have had the charge made by Rosenthal under Investigation for some time. I have no sympathy with Rosenthal the gambler. As such he is beyond the pale. But I have real use for Rosenthal, who, abused by the police, proposes to ald decency and lawfulness by revealing conditions that are startling. The boldness of some of the operations is astounding. The trail leads to high places, even if only a small part of the accusation of Rosenthal and others is substantiated. This man will have a chance to tell his story to the Grand Jury."

Another reporter of THE WORLD went to see Rosenthal and asked him for the facts to back up the accusations in his interview. Rosenthal demurred, saying that the police system was so strong that no newspaper would print the facts. He was told that he was mistaken; that THE WORLD would print them. Rosenthal then late that Saturday afternoon came to THE WORLD office and made an affidavit detailing the facts on which he had made his accusation against the police and naming Lieutenant Charles Becker as the man who had loaned him $1,500 and as partner had taken 20 per cent. of the profits of his gambling house.

Lleutenant Becker, learning of the existence of the affidavit, came down to THE WORLD office that same Saturday evening with his counsel John W. Hart and was shown it as well as the interview with the District-Attorney. Lieutenant Becker said that under the rules of the Police Department he was not free to make any statement in regard to the charges, although he emphatically denied their truth. THE WORLD on Sunday published exclusively Rosenthal's affidavit in full, the Interview with the District-Attorney, and the denials of Lieutenant Becker and his counsel. The publication aroused the city. District-Attorney Whitman hurried back to his office to make a thorough investigation of the charges presented in the columns of THE WORLD. Police Commissioner Waldo started back from Toronto, and the gamblers, apprehensive, were in panic. Rosenthal was persistent and announced his Intention of going again before Magistrate Butts with additional charges and evidence. The police officials had nothing to say.

Mr. Whitman on Monday, July 15, made an appointment with Rosenthal to go over all his evidence at the District-Attorney's office on the following morning. Herman Rosenthal did not keep that appointment. In executing that affidavit printed in THE WORLD he had unwittingly signed his own death warrant. That night, two hours after midnight, he was called out of the café of the Metropole Hotel on West Forty-third Street a hundred feet from the heart of Broadway and shot to death.

The boldness of the crime was amazing. The city was aroused by its audacity and profoundly shocked by the too-evident connection between the System, the imminent Investigation and the murder of the victim that had dared to "squeal."

The news spread with amazing rapidity. A telephone message from THE WORLD office awoke District Attorney Whitman and he hastened at once to the West Forty-seventh Street Police Station, where the body of the murdered Informer was taken, and personally assumed charge of the case. His promptness was of inestimable value to the cause of justice. The murderers, known to be a party of four, had escaped in a gray automobile. A passerby had caught its number, 41313, and had hurried to the police station to report it. He had been promptly locked up and other numbers appeared on the blotter. A telephone message had also brought Lieutenant Becker to the station house. After his first analysis the District-Attorney declared:

"I accuse the Police Department of New York, through certain members of it, with having murdered Herman Rosenthal. Either directly or indirectly it was because of them that he was sisin in cold blood, with never a chance for ble life."

THE PUBLIC CONSCIENCE AROUSED.

The investigation of the erime furnished dramatic disclosures dally. The public conscience was aroused in all except the highest officials of the city. The Police Department seemed unable or unwilling to find the murderers, but the District-Attorney was tireless and the newspapers of the elty held up his hands. After a week's Investigation THE WORLD was able to name the East Side gangsters who were the actual murderers. Evidence accumulated fast. Jack Rose, a gambler and a collector of graft for Lieutenant Becker; "Bridgle" Weber, another gambler, with rooms at Sixth Avenue and Forty-second Street, and Harry Vallon, all accomplices in the murder, one by one gave themselves up to the police and were handed over to Mr. Whitman. On July 29 they confessed the plot. The Grand Jury was quickly summoned at night and heard their stories under promise of immunity, indictments were found at once and Lieutenant Becker was arrested at his desk and lodged in the Tombs on a charge of murder.

At last on August 15 THE WORLD printed exclusively and verbatim "Jack" Rose's confession of the crime. The full story filled a page and a half. It startled New York, though the city might well have been fed full with sensations. Rose told how he had collected graft money for Lieutenant Becker. The District-Attorney had already found bank accounts in the name of the Police Lieutenant or his wife amounting to $50,000, besides a newly built house, real estate and some stocks and bonds. He told further how Becker had called for him, told him that Rosenthal was "getting dan gerous," and that "he must be stopped." Becker, he went on, told him to get some of "Jack" Zelig's gang and have Rosenthal "croaked." Rose demurred at murder, but ultimately yielded to Becker's strength and dominance. He fixed the job with his friends Vallon and Weber, who had money. They got Zelig out of the Tombs, where he was confined on a charge of carrying a revolver (a "frame-up" by Becker's men, he declared), and arranged a cold-blooded compact with four of Zelig's gang to kill Rosenthal. A fourth figure was brought in after the murder, Sam Schepps, who went with Rose when $1,000 of "Bridgle" Weber's money was paid to the gunmen for their fob by Becker's orders.

Justice, thoroughly aroused, moved fast and sure. The District-Attorney put Becker on trial before Justice Goff on October 7, and under the latter's steady driving the trial was concluded on October 24, when at midnight the jury brought in a verdict of murder in the first degree. The police lieutenant is in Sing Sing under sentence of death. With him are also the four hired gunmen, base products of the East Side: Frank Muller, allas "Whitey Lewis," Frank Cirofiel, allas "Dago Frank;" Louis Rosenberg, allas "Lefty Loule," and Harry Horowitz, allas "Gyp the Blood." They stood trial together before Judge Goff on November 8, and on November 19, after but twenty minutes dellberation, all four were also found guilty of murder in the first degree, and they also were sentenced to death. Rose, Vallon and Weber, having turned State's evidence, were set free.

The Becker trial consumed but seventeen days. In spite of the long search for gunmen and witnesses, a verdict was reached 100 days after Rosenthal was murdered. In celerity and dignity the trial has set a new standard for famous cases in New York.

"Becker has been convicted of the murder of Rosenthal. The System has been convicted of the murder of Rosenthal. But what next?" said THE WORLD in watchful warning on this serious municipal situation. "Will Becker in the end escape just punishment through an appeal to the technicalities of the law? Will the System itself escape extermination through the inability of a government of law to cope with a government of crime? Justice is still on trial in New York, in spite of the righteous verdict of the Becker jury. It is on trial in the appeal that Becker's counsel will make to the courts of last resort. It is on trial in the devious and intricate processes of the law's delay, which money can always buy from cunning counsel. It is on trial in the attitude of State and City Government toward a Police Department which can harbor Beckers who traffic in law and traffic In human life.. Regardlesss of Becker's conviction, the shadow of the System still hangs over New York City. Even to-day the men who testified against him are in terror of their lives. The law is not dealing merely with a handful of miserable wretches who murdered a gambler. It Is dealing with a great conspiracy in which murder was purchased to protect the shameless profits of official corruption. This is the balance in which the administration of the criminal law in New York must be weighed. This is the condition of government which leaves the administration of Justice on trial so long as the technicalities of criminal procedure stand between Becker and the sentence of the court."

TRIAL AND CONVICTION OF CHARLES H. HYDE FOLLOWED. Following these convictions, District-Attorney Whitman at once put Charles H. Hyde on trial before Justice Goff in the Supreme Court. Hyde, the protégé and former law partner of Mayor Gaynor, had been appointed to the Important office of City Chamberlain by the Mayor, but had resigned that office May 3, 1911, after he had been indicted for bribery under Section No. 372 of Article 34 of the penal law of New York. The specific offense charged was that he had forced Joseph G. Robin, head of the Northern Bank, to lend $130,000 to the tottering Carnegie Trust Company on August 22, 1910, under threat of withdrawal of large city deposits If he refused, and promise of the deposit of additional city money if he consented. The crime charged was rare; the proof was technical and difficult to get before a jury; and the defendant's long fight for delay and then for acquittal had been stubbornly made by able counsel. The trial began on November 19 and ended at midnight on the 29th with a speedy verdict of guilty. There was a singular kinship between the case of Hyde and the case of Becker. In each there was the grossest abuse of power by a public offelal; the same arrogance of might and a similar official alliance with criminals. "While the memory of Hyde's fate remains," said THE WORLD the morning of the verdict, no other City Chamberlain will use the money of the people for the pront of crooked finance and criminal banking. Just as the verdict of the jury in the Becker case dealt a staggering blow to the police system, so the verdict of the jury In the Hyde case has dealt a blow to that other system in which corrupt business is in partnership with corrupt politics."

Robin's bank, the Northern, was closed by the State Banking Department on December 27, 1910, and soon after that Robin was arrested, charged with having stolen $27,000 from the WashIngton Savings Bank. On January 7, 1911, the Carnegie Trust Company also was closed by the State Banking Department. THE WORLD had obtained convincing information that the City Chamberlain, Charles H. Hyde, was the key to the situation. Mr. Hyde was not at his post of duty; he was often absent, and at this time was said to be on a vacation and his address was refused. During the Fall of 1910 a legislative committee was investigating a scandal about the dispensing of a fund of some $500,000 gathered from men eager to have horse racing restored to its former condition in the State. Hyde's name had been freely mentioned as one of a number of men whe had knowledge of how this fund was spent and a subpoena had been issued for him. Wide search followed. At last a WORLD staff man ran him down, finding him on his houseboat Stop-a-While In Florida. Hyde then hurried back to New York, reaching this city after an absence of forty-five days on the day after the legislative committee adjourned. The Carnegle Trust Company had long been tottering. Hyde, who had become a friend of William J. Cummins, its president, first deposited city money in that company in March, 1910. He was very helpful to his friends and at the time be left his omes be bad $1.000.000 of alt mozey on depoels there. Though he bed

been deliberately sidetracked, Comptroller Prendergast, warned, had taken action Immediately on Hyde's departure from the city and had drawn out the city's cash at the rate of $50,000 a week, so that he had reduced the deposit to $650,000 by the first week of January, 1911. Cummins went to Mayor Gaynor's house in Hyde's absence and pleaded for hours with him to direct Hyde's deputy to deposit with his company $500,000 more of the city's money to stave off bankruptcy. The Mayor declined to interfere and the next morning the State Banking Department closed the doors of the Carnegie Trust. Its affairs were greatly involved.

This was the situation that confronted Mr. Hyde on his return. Robin, who had been led to belleve that he would be taken care of," found himself deserted. He chose on March 1 to plead guilty and gave the District-Attorney valuable information. Mr. Whitman's efforts were bringing to light evidence that portended Indictments, when THE WORLD, which had been closely following the events and aiding the efforts to get at the facts, discovered that the powerful hidden Influences opposed to the investigation had reached Governor Dlx and had prevailed upon him to send a letter to Mr. Whitman taking the entire matter out of his hands and supplanting him with AttorneyGeneral Carmody.

THE WORLD promptly turned the searchlight of publicity upon this action and in an exclusive page story on March 9, 1911, gave the extraordinary facts to the people. THE WORLD took this occasion to give the public also a most valuable piece of evidence which it had discovered-a list of eighteen banks which had gotten various sums of city deposits from the City Chamberlain, ranging from $25,000 to $750,000; and had thereupon loaned Cummins's Carnegie Trust Company sums ranging from $35,000 to $500,000. The total of city cash concerned was $3,915,567, and the known loans were considerably in excess of $2,625,000. THE WORLD was able to give a full story of the events leading to the Governor's unprecedented action and to name many of the men concerned In this effort to blanket investigation by the prosecuting attorney of the county. THE WORLD'S exposure amazed and aroused the community and was the first great step in awakening people to the condition of affairs. It also strangled the plan. Both Whitman and Hyde hurried to Albany, Governor Dix, becoming better conversant with the situation, revoked his order and told District-Attorney Whitman to go ahead. The investigation went on before the Grand Jury; within a fortnight indictments were found against William J. Cummins on which he was convicted, followed soon by indictments against Joseph E. Relchmann on which this director of the Carnegie Trust Company was also convicted; and finally on May 1, 1911, by the indictment of City Chamberlain Hyde. Two days later Hyde resigned his office. Further and stronger indictments were found on May 11. Then began a series of legal technical moves and countermoves that delayed the trial of the former City Chamberlain until November 19, 1912. The trial then was sensational and made notable by the testimony given by eight bankers as to the coincidence of deposits of city money and of loans made to Cummins's distressed trust company.

The meaning of the Hyde verdict and the Becker verdict is that "New York is no longer a province to be looted," said THE WORLD editorially. "The partnership between crime and official corruption has been dissolved by public sentiment and due process of law. Becker and Hyde were both representatives of a single system-a system that for years has been buying and selling government for the profit of individual corruption. Becker was an agent of this system in Its lowest, most degraded and most sordid form. Hyde was an agent of the same system in its more subtle and respectable form. Becker sold government to crooks, gamblers and thugs. Hyde sold government to corrupt bankers and financiers. The long struggle against political graft and corruption is finally bearing its fruit. New York is no longer cynical and indifferent, and it is undergoing the most notable civic reform that it has undergone since the passing of Tweed." And it is with deep satisfaction that THE WORLD recalls its persistent untiring efforts to rouse the public conscience, clarify and crystallize intelligent public opinion, and arm and strengthen public action against intrenched corruption.

THE STORY OF PANAMA BEFORE A COMMITTEE of congrESS. Congressman Henry T. Rainey of Illinois introduced this resolution in Congress:

"Whereas, as a former President of the United States has declared that he took' Panama from the Republic of Colombia without consulting Congress; and

"Whereas, the Republie of Colombia has ever since petitioned this country to submit to The Hague Tribunal the legal and equitable question whether such taking was in accordance with or in violation of the well-established principles of the laws of nations; and

Whereas, the Government of the United States professes its desire to submit all International controversities to arbitration, but has steadily refused arbitration to the Republic of Colombla; therefore be it

"Resolved, that the Committee of Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives be, and the same hereby is, directed to inquire into the same; send for books, papers and documents; summon witnesses; take testimony; and report the same, with its opinions and conclusions thereon, to this House with all convenient speed.'

The House referred the resolution to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and its chairman, William Sulzer, wrote to THE WORLD asking this paper to place at the disposal of his committee the evidence bearing on the subject which it had collected in preparation of its defense in the sult for criminal libel instituted by the Government of the United States against that paper. THE WORLD agreed to produce so much as was relevant to the inquiry and sent Henry N. Hall of THE WORLD staff to WashIngton to present it to the committee. After Mr. Rainey had set forth the broad points of the case Mr. Hall on February 9 was called before the committee and for seven days presented "The Story of Panama" with varied documentary evidence. Much of the evidence THE WORLD had collected was new, as owing to the complete collapse of the Government's case against it the paper's attorneys had had no opportunity of bringing it out in court. As he concluded the presentation of the evidence Mr. Hall said to the committee: "I have not spoken here as the advocate of Colombla nor as the prosecutor of Mr. Roosevelt. I have endeavored fairly and impartially to place the truth before you as I saw it from the documents gathered by THE WORLD. I trust you will arrive at a just and satisfactory solution of this momentous question. I sincerely hope you will find some way of settling a difference with Colombia which ought to be settled because the United States is losing in South American trade to-day very nearly as much as it is spending on the construction of the Panama Canal, and you are paying for the Panama Canal twice, once in cash and once in trade. But apart from sordid or commercial interests, there are other and higher reasons why this controversy ought to be settled. Righteousness alone exalteth an nation.' Truth, justice, honor demand that Colombia's claims be satisfied; and the Congress and people of this country owe it to themselves to satisfy those claims in a manner consistent with the dignity of the United States, and in keeping with its glorious traditions."

HURD'S STORY OF RESCUE OF TITANIC'S PASSENGERS.

When the great White Star steamship Titanic, carrying 2,181 men, women and children, crashed into an iceberg off the Banke in the night of April 14 and sank, the newspapers