A. M. 3833.

After the like distance of time, the Carthaginians A. Rom. 577. again brought their complaint before the senate, but with greater importunity than before.* They represented, that besides the lands at first contested, Masanissa had, during the two preceding years, dispossessed them of upwards of seventy towns and castles: their hands were bound up by that article of the last treaty, which forbade their making war upon any of the allies of the Romans: that they could no longer bear the insolence, the avarice, and cruelty, of that prince: that they were deputed to Rome with three requests (one of which they desired might be immediately complied with,) viz. either that the affair might be examined and decided by the senate; or, secondly, that they might be permitted to repel force by force, and defend themselves by arms; or, lastly, that, if favour was to prevail over justice, they then entreated the Romans to specify, once for all, which of the Carthaginian lands they were desirous should be given up to Masinissa, that they, by this means, might hereafter know what they had to depend on; and that the Roman people would show some moderation in their behalf at a time that this prince set no other bounds to his pretensions, than his insatiable avarice. The deputies concluded with beseeching the Romans, that if they had any cause of complaint against the Carthaginians since the conclusion of the last peace, that they themselves would punish them; and not to give them up to the wild caprice of a prince, by whom their liberties were made precarious, and their lives insupportable. After ending their speech, being pierced with grief, shedding floods of tears, they fell prostrate upon the earth; a spectacle that moved all who were present to compassion, and raised a violent hatred against Masinissa. Gulussa, his son, who was then present, being asked what he had to reply, he answered, that his father had not given him any instructions, not knowing that any thing would be laid to his charge. He only desired the senate to reflect, that the circumstance which drew all this hatred upon him from the Carthaginians, was, the inviolable fidelity with which he had always been attached to the side of the Romans. The senate, after hearing both sides, answered, that they were inclined to do justice to either party to whom it might be due: that Gulussa should set out immediately with their orders to his father, who was thereby commanded to send immediately deputies with those of Carthage: that they would do all that lay in their power to serve him, but not to the prejudice of the Carthaginians: that it was but just the ancient limits should be preserved; and that it was far from being the intention of the Romans, to have the Carthaginians dispossessed, during the peace, of those territories and cities which had been left them by the treaty. The deputies of both powers were then dismissed with the usual presents.

But all these assurances were but mere words. It is plain that † Polyb. p. 951.

* Id. 1. xlii. n. 23, 24.

the Romans did not once endeavour to satisfy the Carthaginians, or do them the least justice; and that they protracted the business, on purpose to give Masinissa time to establish himself in his usurpation, and weaken his enemies.

A M. 3848.

ers.*

A new deputation was sent to examine the affair A. Rom. 582. upon the spot, and Cato was one of the commissionOn their arrival, they asked the parties if they were willing to abide by their determination. Masinissa readily complied. The Carthaginians answered, that they had fixed a rule to which they adhered, and that this was the treaty which had been concluded by Scipio, and desired that their cause might be examined with all possible rigour. They therefore could not come to any decision. The deputies visited all the country, and found it in a very good condition, especially the city of Carthage: and they were surprised to see it, after having been involved in such a calamity, so soon again raised to so exalted a pitch of power and grandeur. The deputies, on their return, did not fail to acquaint the senate with this circumstance; and declared, Rome could never be in safety so long as Carthage should subsist. From this time, whatever affair was debated in the senate, Cato always added the following words to his opinion, and I conclude that Carthage ought to be destroyed. This grave senator did not give himself the trouble to prove, that bare jealousy of the growing power of a neighbouring state, is a warrant sufficient for destroying a city, contrary to the faith of treaties. Scipio Nasica, on the other hand, was of opinion, that the ruin of this city would draw after it that of their commonwealth; because that the Romans having then no rival to fear, would quit the ancient severity of their manners, and abandon themselves to luxury and pleasures, the never failing subverters of the most flourishing empires.

In the mean time, divisions broke out in Carthage. The popular faction, being now become superior to that of the grandees and senators, sent forty citizens into banishment, and bound the people by an oath, never to suffer the least mention to be made of recalling those exiles. They withdrew to the court of Masinissa, who despatched Gulussa and Micipsa, his two sons, to Carthage to solicit their recall. However, the gates of the city were shut against them, and one of them was closely pursued by Hamilcar, one of the generals of the republic. This gave occasion to a new war, and accordingly armies were levied on both sides. A battle was fought; and the younger Scipio, who afterwards ruined Carthage, was spectator of it. He had been sent from Lucullus, who was then carrying on war in Spain, and under whom Scipio then served, to Masinissa, to desire some elephants from that monarch. During the whole engagement, he stood upon a neighbouring hill; and was surprised to see Masinissa, then upwards of eighty years of age, mounted (agreeably to the custom of the country) on a horse without a saddle: flying ↑ App. p. 38.

* App. de bell. Pun. p. 37

from rank to rank like a young officer, and sustaining the most arduous toils. The fight was very obstinate, and continued from morning till night, but at last the Carthaginians gave way. Scipio used to say afterwards, that he had been present at many battles, but at none with so much pleasure as this; having never before beheld so formidable an army engage, without any danger or trouble to himself. And being very conversant in the writings of Homer, he added, that, till his time, there were but two more who had the pleasure of being spectators of such an action, viz. Jupiter from mount Ida, and Neptune from Samothrace, when the Greeks and Trojans fought before Troy. I know not whether the sight of 100,000 men for (so many there were) butchering one another, can administer a real pleasure; or whether such a pleasure is consistent with the sentiments of humanity, so natural to mankind.

The Carthaginians,* after the battle was over, entreated Scipio to terminate their contests with Masinissa. Accordingly, he heard both parties, and the Carthaginians consented to yield up the territory of Emporium,† which had been the first cause of the dispute, to pay Masinissa 200 talents of silver down, and 800 more at such times as should be agreed. But Masinissa insisting on the return of the exiles, and the Carthaginians being unwilling to agree to this proposition, they did not come to any decision. Scipio, after having paid his compliments, and returned thanks to Masinissa, set out with the elephants for which he had been sent.

The king,‡ immediately after the battle was over, had blocked up the enemy's camp, which was pitched upon a hill, whither neither troops nor provisions could come to them. During this interval, there arrived deputies from Rome, with orders from the senate to decide the quarrel, in case the king should be defeated; otherwise, to leave it undetermined, and to give the king the strongest assurances of the continuation of their friendship; and they complied with the latter injunction. In the mean time, the famine daily increased in the enemy's camp; and to add to their calamity, it was followed by a plague, which made a dreadful havoc. Being now reduced to the last extremity, they surrendered to Masinissa, promising to deliver up the deserters, to pay him 5000 talents of silver in fifty years, and restore the exiles, notwithstanding their oaths to the contrary. They all submitted to the ignominious ceremony of passing under the yoke, and were dismissed, with only one suit of clothes

* App. de bell. Pun. 40:

† Emporium, or Emporia, was a country of Africa, on the Lesser Syrtis, in which Leptis stood. No part of the Carthaginian dominions was more fruitful than this. Polybius, 1. i. says, that the revenue that arose from this place was so considerable, that all their hopes were almost founded on it, èv als (viz. their revenues from Emporria) εἶχον τάς μεγίστας ἐλμίδας. To this was owing their care and state-jealousy above mentioned, lest the Romans should sail beyond the Fair Promontory, that lay before Carthage; and become acquainted with a country which might induce them to attempt the conquest of it. Appian. de bell. Pun. p. 40.

Ils furent tous passés sous le joug: Sub jugum missi; a kind of gallows (made

for each. Gulussa, to satiate his vengeance for the ill treatment, which, as we before observed, he had met with, sent out against them a body of cavalry, whom, from their great weakness, they could neither escape nor resist. So that of 58,000 men, very few returned to Carthage.

A. M. 3855.

A. Rom. 599.

Ant. J. C. 149.

The Third Punic War.

The third Punic war, which was less considerable A. Carth. 697. than either of the two former, with regard to the number and greatness of the battles, and its continuance, which was only four years, was still more remarkable with respect to the success and event of it, as it ended in the total ruin and destruction of Carthage.

The inhabitants of this city,* from their last defeat, knew what they had to fear from the Romans, who had uniformly displayed great ill-will towards them, as often as they had addressed them upon their disputes with Masinissa. To prevent the consequences of it, the Carthaginians, by a decree of the senate, impeached Asdrubal, general of the army, and Carthalo, commander of the auxiliary forces, as guilty of high treason, for being the authors of the war against the king of Numidia. They then sent a deputation to Rome, to inquire what opinion that republic entertained of their late proceedings, and what was desired of them. The deputies were coldly answered, that it was the business of the senate and people of Carthage to know what satisfaction was due to the Romans. A second deputation bringing them no clearer answer, they fell into the greatest dejection; and being seized with the strongest terrors, from the recollection of their past sufferings, they fancied the enemy was already at their gates, and imagined to themselves all the dismal consequences of a long siege, and of a city taken sword in hand.

In the mean time,‡ the senate debated at Rome on the measures it would be proper for them to take; and the disputes between Cato the elder, and Scipio Nasica, who entertained totally different opinions on this subject, were renewed. The former, on his return from Africa, had declared, in the strongest terms, that he had found Carthage, not as the Romans supposed it to be, exhausted of men or money, or in a weak and humble state; but, on the contrary, that it was crowded with vigorous young men, abounded with immense quantities of gold and silver, and prodigious magazines of arms and all war-stores; and was so haughty and confident on account of this force, that their hopes and ambition had no bounds. It is farther said, that, after he had ended his speech, he threw, out of the lappet

by two forked sticks, standing upright) was erected, and a spear laid across, under which the vanquished enemies were obliged to pass. Festus.

* Appian, p. 41, 42.

†The foreign forces were commanded by leaders of their respective nations, who were all under the command of a Carthaginian officer, called by Appian Bondapxos. Plut. in vit. Cat. p. 352.

of his robe, in the midst of the senate, some African figs: and, as the senators admired their beauty, Know, says he, that it is but three days since these figs were gathered. Such is the distance between the

enemy and us.*

Cato and Nasica had each of them their reasons for voting as they did.† Nasica, observing that the people had risen to such a height of insolence as led them into excesses of every kind; that their prosperity had swelled them with a pride which the senate itself was not able to check; and that their power was become so enormous, that they were able to draw the city, by force, into every mad design they might undertake; Nasica, I say, observing this, was desirous that they should continue in fear of Carthage, in order that this might serve as a curb to restrain and check their audacious conduct. For it was his opinion, that the Carthaginians were too weak to subdue the Romans; and at the same time too strong to be considered by them in a contemptible light. With regard to Cato, he thought that as his countrymen had become haughty and insolent by success, and plunged headlong into profligacy of every kind; nothing could be more dangerous, than for them to have for a rival and an enemy, a city that till now had been powerful, but was become, even by its misfortunes, more wise and provident than ever; and not to remove the fears of the inhabitants entirely with regard to a foreign power; since they had, within their own walls, all the opportunities of indulging themselves in excesses of every kind.

To lay aside, for one instant, the laws of equity, I leave the reader to determine which of these two great men reasoned most justly, according to the maxims of sound policy, and the true interests of a state. One undoubted circumstance is, that all the historians have observed that there was a sensible change in the conduct and government of the Romans, immediately after the ruin of Carthage:‡ that vice no longer made its way into Rome with a timorous pace, and as it were by stealth, but appeared barefaced, and seized, with astonishing rapidity, upon all orders of the republic: that the senators, plebians, in a word, all conditions, abandoned themselves to luxury and voluptuousness, without moderation or sense of decency, which occasioned, as it must necessarily, the ruin of the state. The first Scipio, says Paterculus, speaking of the Romans, had laid the foundations of their future grandeur; and the last, by his conquests, opened a door to all manner of luxury and dissoluteness. For, after Carthage, which obliged Rome to stand for ever on its guard, by dis

Ubi Carthago, æmula imperii Romani ab stirpe interiit, fortuna sævire ac miscere omnia cœpit. Sallust. in bell. Catilin.

Ante Carthaginem deletam populus et senatus Romanus placidè modestèque inter se Remp. tractabant.-Metus hostilis in bonis artibus civitatem retinebat. Sed ubi formido illa mentibus decessit, ilicet ea, que secundæ res amant, lascivia atque superbia incessere. Idem in bello Jugurthino

Potentiæ Romanorum prior Scipio viam aperuerat, luxuriæ posterior aperuit. Quippe remoto Carthag nis metu, sublatâque imperii æmulâ, non gradu, sed præcipiti cursu à virtute descitum, ad vitia transcursum. Vel. Paterc. 1. ii. c. 1.