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abolition abolitionists American Ante anti-slavery asked attempt believe Boston called cause CHAP character Church Committee Congress Constitution Convention course discussion disunion Douglass duty emancipation England equally existence express fact Father feel Free Soil Party freedom friends fugitive Garrison give Government Hall hand held Henry hold hope House human interest John land letter Liberator Liberty Massachusetts means meeting mind moral nature never North object organization Party passed peace persons Phillips political position present President principle pro-slavery Quaker question Quincy received regard religious Republican resolutions respect seemed Senate side slave slaveholders slavery Society South Southern speech spirit stand things tion took true Union United vote Wendell whole wish write wrote York
第 418 頁 - We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. "A house divided against itself cannot stand.
第 94 頁 - I am compelled to declare it as my deliberate opinion, that, if this bill passes, the bonds of this Union are virtually dissolved ; that the States which compose it are free from their moral obligations, and that, as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some, to prepare definitely for a separation — amicably if they can, violently if they must.
第 106 頁 - Sanctify the LORD of hosts himself; and let him be your fear, and let him be your dread. And he shall be for a sanctuary...
第 401 頁 - March 6, 1820,) which, being inconsistent with the principle of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories — as recognized by the legislation of 1850, commonly called the Compromise Measures — is hereby declared inoperative and void; it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their...
第 489 頁 - I believe that to have interfered as I have done, as I have always freely admitted I have done, in behalf of his despised poor, I did no wrong, but right. Now, if it is deemed necessary that I should forfeit my life for the furtherance of the ends of justice, and mingle my blood further with the blood of my children and with the blood of millions in...
第 467 頁 - Shall I tell you what this collision means? They who think that it is accidental, unnecessary, the work of interested or fanatical agitators, and, therefore, ephemeral, mistake the case altogether. It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slave-holding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation.
第 53 頁 - Judgment also will I lay to the line, and righteousness to the plummet: and the hail shall sweep away the refuge of lies, and the waters shall overflow the hiding place.
第 488 頁 - I have, may it please the Court, a few words to say. "In the first place, I deny everything but what I have all along admitted, — the design on my part to free the slaves. I intended certainly to have made a clean thing of that matter, as I did last winter, when I went into Missouri and there took slaves without the snapping of a gun either side, moved them through the country, and finally left them in Canada.
第 488 頁 - ... them in Canada. I designed to have done the same thing again, on a larger scale. That was all I intended. I never did intend murder, or treason, or the destruction of property, or to excite or incite slaves to rebellion, or to make insurrection.