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ple, into the union, either by a Treaty, or by a law? Such a stipulation, therefore, they said, created no obligation, and was void. Mr. Jefferson yielded his opinion on this important subject, to that of the party which placed him in power, and did not interpose his constitutional veto. In 1812, as before stated, a part of this territory was admitted into the union, but without an amendment of the constitution; not, however, without opposition. In the House of Representatives, the votes were 79 to 23, and the opposition arose principally, if not entirely, on constitutional grounds.

The great mass of the people of the United States, were agreed in the importance of the acquisition of the new territory, and therefore quietly acquiesced in having it incorporated into the union, without their express assent, by an amendment of the great national compact. Few, however, it is believed, will agree to admit this, as a conclusive precedent in all cases which may arise hereafter; and yet, if the President and Senate, or Congress had the constitutional power to bind the nation in this case, they must have it in all; and, can, hereafter, on the same principle, admit Texas, Cuba, Mexico, and Japan, and as Mr. Jefferson supposes, even England, Ireland, and Holland, to be a part of the union.

May the people of the United States never have reason to regret, that the national will, on this important question, was not expressed in a constitutional way. History too truly teaches us, that the illegal or unconstitutional exercise of power, in the best of times, for the real benefit of the people, with their silent acquiescence, has hardly ever failed to be resorted to, as a precedent, in the worst of times, and often, for the worst of purposes; and who will venture to predict, that the future annals of this country will prove, that the people of the United States have formed an exception to this general rule.

The subjects in dispute between the United States and Spain remained unsettled, until the 22d day of February, 1819, when fortunately for the United States, they were brought to a close by an amicable arrangement. His Catholic Majesty, at last, agreed to cede to the United States, all the territory belonging to him, eastward of the Mississippi, known by the name of East and West Florida. In consideration of this ression, the United States relinquished the claim for Spanish spoliations, and stipulated to make satisfaction for the same, to their own citizens, to an amount not exceeding five millions of dol lars. Isolated from the rest of the Spanish territories, its value was, in a great measure, lost to the parent country. It was valuable to the United States, not merely for the purpose of rounding their own terri.

tory, but from its local situation, affording a near and safe asylum for their ships, in the West India seas. In addition to this, the United States are now secure against its occupation, by any foreign power, disposed, by acquiring it, to disturb the peace of the Union.

The settlement of limits between Louisiana and the Spanish territories on the west side of the Mississippi, was no less an object of importance to both countries.

The parties, however, differed so widely on this subject, that a satis factory issue seemed, for a long time, scarcely possible. The country in dispute, extended many hundred miles east and west, and nearly one thousand north and south. While the American Executive claimed to the Rio Bravo along the gulf of Mexico, his Catholic Majesty insisted upon a line east of the river Sabine, running north to the Red river, and from a point on this river, east of the source of the Sabine, running north or north west to the Missouri, leaving the sources of the great rivers falling into the Mississippi, from the west, within the limits of the Spanish possessions. To this line the American government refused to yield, and a long and rather angry correspondence followed, between the Spanish Minister, Don Onis, and Mr. Adams, Secretary of State, without any prospect of a favorable issue.

The instructions of the former, however, were afterwards varied, and the aid of France, then restored to the Bourbons, was solicited by Spain, in the settlement of this controversy.

The French Minister at Washington, M. Hyde de Neuville, by the consent of both parties, acted as a mediator. Under the new instructions, and the friendly mediation of the French Minister, the negotiation was renewed, at Washington, in the winter of 1819, and finally ended in a cession of both the Floridas, and a settlement of western limits.

An historical view of this important negotiation, does not fall within our design; we would observe, however, that great difficulties arose, with respect to a point, on the Red river, from which the line should run north; and many propositions were made on both sides, and, at last, a point one hundred degrees in longitude west from London, and twenty three from the city of Washington, was fixed upon. From this point the line was to run due north to the river Arkansas, and up that river to its source in latitude forty two degrees. The direction of the line, from the source of the Arkansas, produced another serious difficulty. The Spanish Minister at first insisted, that it should go to the Rocky Mountains, and that those mountains should be the western limits; and when the American negotiator refused to accede to this,

he urged, that the line should run to Clark's river, beyond the Rocky Mountains, and by that river, to the Columbia, into which it empties, and thence down the Columbia to the Ocean. This proposition, however, was rejected; and a line direct, from the source of the Arkansas, or lat. 42°, to the Pacific Ocean, was ultimately agreed upon.

And we would also observe, that although Mr. Adams was the negotiator on the part of the United States, and has been blamed by some for yielding too much, at the west, the President and the Cabinet were consulted in the various stages of the negotiation, and, as to some parts of the western limits, they overruled the American negotiator.

4

CHAPTER II.

Colonial Policy of Great Britain-Amount of Exports and Imports prior to the Revolution-Commerce interrupted during the war of the Revolution-Expenses of that war-Amount of Public Debt in 1783-Requisitions upon the States, for provision for the payment of it, not complied with-Its depreciationExports to and Imports from Great Britain, from 1784 to 1790-Distressed state of the country, during this period-Meeting of Commissioners at Annapolis, in 1786-Adoption of the new Constitution, and the organization of the Government under it, in 1789.

WHILE in a colonial state, the European commerce of the Americans was confined to Great Britain, and that part of the continent of Europe, which lies south of Cape Finisterre.

The great staples of the colonies, could only be carried to the parent state, and all the imports from Europe came through the same channel. The exports from Great Britain to the colonies, now the United States, on an average of six years, ending with 1774, were £2,732,036 sterling, and the imports from the same, £1,752,142.*

The colonial policy of the parent state, was not confined to the external commerce, but extended to the internal concerns of the colonies.

The colonists were entirely prohibited from carrying on, some kinds of manufactures, and in others, were restricted to very narrow limits, so as not to interfere with those of a similar kind, in the mother country.

At the commencement of the war of the Revolution, therefore, the Americans were without external commerce, or internal resources; and during the long conflict, which followed, they were compelled to depend almost entirely upon themselves, for supplies, not only of arms and munitions of war, but of those common and necessary articles of consumption, previously obtained from Great Britain and elsewhere. Those articles, which their soil would not produce, or which they were unable to make themselves, they were obliged to obtain at great risk and expense, from other countries, or be content without them. Encouragement was given to all the necessary manufactures, and the zeal, ingenuity and industry of the people supplied the place of a foreign market.

At the peace of 1783, which secured the independence of the United States, their commercial, as well as political situation was new, and attended with many difficulties. During a contest of more than

* Acheson's Collections, &c. pp. 64, 67.

seven years, their commerce was annihilated, their shipping nearly destroyed, public credit impaired, and a vast debt accumulated. In addition to this, the general government was not calculated to repair these losses, restore public credit, or to bring into active operation, the energies and resources of the nation. The whole expense of the war, was more than one hundred and thirty five millions of dollars.* About one half of this expense was paid by taxes, levied and collected during the war, and the residue remained a debt, due from the United States, or the individual states, on the return of peace.

In April, 1783, the debt of the United States, (exclusive of the State debts, which exceeded twenty millions,) was estimated at $42,000,375, and the annual interest, at $2,415,956. No funds had, at this time, been provided for the payment, either of the interest or principal of this debt. It now became necessary for Congress to provide permanent funds, for this purpose.

* The whole expense of the Revolutionary war cannot be ascertained with certainty. The following estimate was made out by Mr. Nourse, the Register of the Treasury, in 1790.

"General abstract of the annual estimates, and abstract statements of the total amount of the expenditures and advances, at the Treasury of the United States. "The estimated amount of the expenditures of

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