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Public Utilities and the
Political Campaign

(Continued from page 576)

erally to affect public opinion in their favor.

All of this foregoing account of the "power trust" investigation shows one of the difficulties of private development and must be taken into consideration in any analysis of the subject. Yet it is not the whole story.

Now

ow let us see how the Presidential candidates stand on this question of the ownership and operation of utilities. In one of the propaganda books I have mentioned, "Aladdin, U. S. A.," Mr. Hoover is repeatedly quoted, because, the author says, he "appears to have a broader vision of this whole subject than any other man in the United States." Mr. Hoover says:

Neither our National nor our State governments are planned or equipped for the task of Government operation of utilities....

Under Government ownership, partisanship, "log-rolling," and politics would be inseparable accompaniments of administration. No great business. can be efficiently administered by such a board or on such a basis of choice. We shall convert business into politics, and surrender efficiency for spoils. If we distribute railway extensions as we distribute public buildings; if we locate electric power plants as we locate reclamation projects; if we divide up public industries generally as we share river and harbor improvements and army and navy stations-then, as surely as night follows day, facilities will be wastefully provided for those districts or groups which are politically strong, and they will not be adequately provided for the districts or groups which are politically weak.

Governor Smith, when a member of the New York Legislature, went on record as far back as 1907 by voting against a grant to the Long Sault Development Company, a subsidiary of the Pittsburgh Aluminum Company (owned largely by Secretary Mellon's family),

SECTION

to develop the power of the Long Sault Rapids. After a Republican Administration had made the grant, it was rescinded by a Democratic Legislature and Governor. Since then Smith's stand has consistently been for the ownership of water power by the public, "to whom it rightfully belongs."

In 1926 Governor Smith's opponent for office was Ogden Mills, whose family is a large holder of utility securities, and the Governor declared that water-power resources were "the greatest single issue of this campaign." In one of

The Movies (See page 587)

his

"Abie's Irish Rose."-Just like the play. It's a system. "Across to Singapore."-Ramon Novarro and Ernest Torrence pulling nautical rough stuff. "The Actress."-"Trelawney of the Wells" picturized, with a fine cast.

"The Crowd."-A sad story, beautifully directed. "Dawn."-The soul-stirring drama of Edith Cavell.

"Doomsday."-Oh, dear, oh, dear, oh, dear! "Dressed to Kill."-The ace of the crook plays. "The Drag Net."-Don't ask us why you'll like it-go and see it. "Drums of Love."-Pomp, pathos, and Lionel Barrymore.

"The End of St. Petersburg."-Startlingly fine Russian production.

"Fazil."-Charles Farrell and Greta Nissen in something terribly phony.

"Four Sons."-It's a fine film, but too long. "Fools for Luck."-Chester Conklin and W. C. Fields-but the verdict is "No."

"The Jazz Singer."-Al Jolson sings, and that's all. "Kentucky Courage."-A successor to "Tol'able David," with Richard Barthelmess. "Ladies of the Mob."-Clara Bow gets a chance to act and does so.

"The Last Command."-The great Jannings. See it.

"The Last Moment."-Good photography, but lit

tle else.

upy.

"The Red Dance."-Pulled through by Raoul Walsh's stalwart direction.

"Red Hair."-Clara Bow in her big disrobing act. "Sadie Thompson."-Gloria Swanson trying hard. "The Secret Hour."-Pola Negri in a good picture. "Simba."-The Martin Johnson masterpiece.

"Skyscraper."-Thoroughly enjoyable. "Something Always Happens."-An amusing little

thriller, with the ornamental Esther Ralston. "Street Angel."-A beautiful, tiresome picture. "The Street of Sin."-Regardless of Emil Jannings, we thought it was terrible. "Sunrise."-Dr. Murnau's supreme achievement. "Telling the World."-At last-a good William Haines picture.

"The Trail of '98."-The grandest scenes now on view. "Warming Up."-Richard Dix and Jean Arthur make this baseball picture a good show.. "Wheel of Chance."-A fine double-rôle performance by Richard Barthelmess.

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WOMAN, 32, university graduate, traveled, experienced teacher and pastor's assistant, desires position where this background will be useful. 8,624, Outlook.

MISCELLANEOUS

TO young women desiring training in the care of obstetrical patients a nine months' nurses' aid course is offered by the Lying-In Hospital, 307 Second Ave., New York. Aide are provided with maintenance and given a monthly allowance of $10. For further par ticulars address Directress of Nurses.

speeches he asserted that "the Aluminum Trust has had its eye on the St. Lawrence River for a great many years," and quoted Theodore Roosevelt as having said:

You have elected too many men in the past who have taken what belonged to the Nation. Coal and oil barons cannot compare with waterpower barons. Do not let them get a monopoly on what belongs to this State.... There has been an effort to give that control to the Aluminum Trust. . . . We are poor citizens if we allow the things worth most to get into the hands of a few.

N entire section of "Progressive De

A mocracy," a compilation of Gover nor Smith's speeches and State papers, is devoted to his views on the conservation of natural resources, and a large part of it is occupied with water-power questions. He opposes private ownership of local, State, or National properties of this sort. I have space here to quote only one passage from the mass of material at hand:

The question of water-power development at the present time is receiving Nation-wide attention. Giant power combines naturally will stand against the proposal of a public authority, but it is difficult to be in sympathy with their view-point because it is purely selfish. On the other hand, there is today an insistent and growing demand for the development of these power resources by their rightful owners--the people themselves. . . .

There is one way to get the full benefit of hydroelectric energy for the small storekeeper, the small homeowner, and the people on the farm, and that is to have the State retain the ownership not only of the source of the power, but of the development works.

Here is one campaign issue for 1928 which appeals neither to racial nor religious passion, but which can be considered in the light of cool reason. Those who wish to vote effectively in November might well inform themselves regard ing its intricacies.

Paris Opéra via Harvard Glee Club 627 By EUGENE BONNER

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EAGER DAVIS, as told by "Miss
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ASSOCIATE EDITORS

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The Outlook is indexed in the Readers' Guide tɔ Periodical Literature

Volume 149, Number 16.

THE OUTLOOK, August 15, 1928. Company at 120 East 16th Street, New York, N. Y. Subscription price $5.00 a year. Single copies Published weekly by The Outlook 15 cents each. Foreign subscriptions to countries in the postal Union, $6.56. Entered as second-class matter, July 21, 1893, at the Post Office at New York, N. Y., and December 1, 1926, at the Post Office at Dunellen, N. J., under the act of March 3, 1879. Copyright, 1928, by The Outlook Company.

From Publisher -To You A SINCERE believer in prohibition -not a Drinking Dry nor an AntiSaloon League propagandist-wrote us the other day that he could no longer read any magazine without finding himself labeled as a Puritanical hypocrite and a fanatic. "In such a case," he queried, "who are the real fanatics?"

In the same mail we ourselves, because of our sincere stand on the other side, were the recipient of the following epithets: Nullificationist, whisky propagandist, enemy of the country, moral pervert, destroyer of the integrity of the Constitution, agent of the liquor traffic, foe of the Church.

THERE would seem here to be a com-
mon ground upon which both sincere
prohibitionists and sincere revisionists
might stand against the attacks of the
fanatics on both sides. Certainly, a man
ought to be able to voice his belief that
prohibition is a good thing without be-
ing made a target for insults. Certainly
also, another man should be granted sin-
cerity and decent motives if he has come
to the conclusion that the present Prohi-
bition Law is not the best way to solve
the social problem involved.

PERSONALLY, we are weary of the
gentlemen who assume to voice the opin-
ions of the Deity on the subject and pro-
ceed to brand as unmoral and irreligious
all who do not agree with them. We
think they are the curse of their friends
and the unconscious aiders of their ene-
mies They completely befog the prob-
lem.

A certain set of circumstances may
make bone-dry prohibition an absolute
practical necessity in Georgia; whereas
a different set of circumstances will make
it impractical and unenforceable in New
York. In such case for Georgia to legis-
late for New York or New York for
Georgia is to disregard common sense as
well as to violate the principle of local
self-government.

FUNDAMENTALLY, this is what is
wrong with the present form of National
enactment. Call it unconstitutional
sumptuary legislation, or a noble experi-
ment, if you like. It remains the forcing,
without sufficient justification in neces-
sity, of the social habits of one commu-
nity on the people of another.
We re-
fuse to believe that it is the best method
of regulation which can be devised.

Francis Profus Bellamy

A Corn Belt Conversion

August 15, 1928

GOVERNOR SMITH and Mr. George Nelon Peek have talked things over; as a consequence the candidate has reiterated his intention, if elected, to give immediate attention to the farmer, and Mr. Peek has announced that that suits im.

This is politically important, since Mr. Peek is one of the authors of the McNary-Haugen Bill and Chairman of he Executive Committee of the North Central States' Agricultural Conference. Mr. Peek acknowledges that at the monent he is speaking for only one voter— imself. Nevertheless Peek is a power. He has been called the Wayne Wheeler of farm relief. Neither man had recogized political standing, but both racked their whips and Congress umped. It was Peek's committee which wice drove the McNary-Haugen Bill as ar as President Coolidge. Governor Smith said:

"Control of the sale of agricultural urplus is recognized by our platform as n essential need, its cost to be imposed in the unit to be benefited. That priniple is fixed by our platform, on which stand-only the detail of its accomlishment remains.

"As I have said, I shall immediately, 'I am elected, ask the best farm leaders nd economists to work out this detail

ith me.

Republicans like Governor owden, as well as Democrats who have udied this problem, will be called upon ir this patriotic service."

Mr. Peek said:

"I feel certain that he has a clear and rrect understanding of the farm probm and that he will solve it with intelctual honesty if he is elected President. I shall support his candidacy for resident."

End of the Equalization Fee "CAN your statement be construed as indorsement of the equalization fee?" interviewers asked Governor Smith.

"My views are summed up in an editorial in this morning's 'World,'" he replied.

He read the significant passage. "We take it that Governor Smith's declaration comes down to this:

"(a) That the Democratic Party is committed to the principle of controlling the sale of agricultural surpluses, the cost to be borne by the group benefited.

"(b) That the plan for applying this principle contained in the McNaryHaugen Bill is not acceptable to him. "(c). That he has no plan of his own for carrying out that principle. "(d) That he promises after election to work out such a plan."

Thus both candidates as well as the President are on record as opposed to the equalization fee of the McNary-Haugen Bill. Mr. Peek said that he was still

pleased with the candidate's position. The equalization fee seems to be out of the campaign.

The Price of Loyalty

IN declaring his support of Governor Smith, Senator Harris, of Georgia, has revealed something of what it costs a

Southern Democratic office-holder to be

Democratic Senator to support a Democratic nominee for President, but Senator Harris says that it is a fact. None the less, he announces that he will actively support Governor Smith, and the Columbus "Enquirer-Sun," Julian Harris's paper, applauds him, saying: "Senator Harris has merely done his loyal duty in announcing that he will support the party which has always supported him. . . . Democracy needs the aid of every true and valiant son at a time when betrayers from within are attempting to open her gates to the enemy from

without."

constantly uses," retorts Senator Key Pittman. "Statements of such purport were made by Senator Smoot after the Baltimore Convention, when Woodrow Wilson was nominated. The Baltimore Convention pledged the party to enact a Federal Reserve Act. Smoot and his type of politician said the Democratic Party was opposed to business and would never do it.

"The Republican Party had been dis

cussing the necessity for economic legislation for years and did not act. The Democratic Party, in less than twelve months after Wilson was inaugurated, passed the Federal Reserve Act by unanimous vote of the Democrats in the Senate and House.

"The Baltimore Democratic platform pledged itself to a fiscal system for the farmers. Senator Smoot and men of his type said we would never keep our pledge. Inside of a year the legislation creating the farm banking system was made into a law.

"There is no doubt that the Democratic Party's view with regard to the tariff has been in a state of evolution for the last twenty-five years. There is no doubt that with the growth of the West and South from a previous agricultural country to sections of varied industries, the theory of the low tariff has ceased to exist.

"The tariff plank in the 1928 platform contains the frank and definite expression of the Democratic Party today. It declares, unequivocally, for maintenance of high standards of wages and conditions of labor. . . . Men like Raskob and Woodin, who have greater business interests at stake than Senator Smoot and the rest of the Republican politicians, would not associate themselves with the Democratic Party . . . if there was the slightest doubt of the Democratic Party and the purposes of Governor Smith when he becomes President."

Bad Business for Big Business

BIG Business does not want to get involved in politics. This is not for the sake of politics, but for the sake of business. The General Motors Corporation is one of the important organizations in Big Business today. According to its president, its value as measured in the market today is "approximately $3,500,000,000," and of this "$2,650,000,000 is the value established by the public for the corporation's good will." The corporation wants to keep away from anything that brings that good will into jeopardy.

In a letter to Miss Emily Marx, Re

publican candidate for the New York Assembly, Mr. Alfred P. Sloan, Jr., President of General Motors, replying to an inquiry, has written:

"As to the situation which has de

the situation and have been disturbed by it. . . . I feel that it is most detrimental to the interest of General Motors, as well as to any corporation, to have any situation develop which causes the impression in the public mind, rightly or wrongly, that that corporation is concerned with any political situation.

"Mr. Raskob made the decision and took the place without consultation with his associates; therefore we had a situation to deal with which was a very unpleasant one. . . . Our organization consists of over 200,000 individuals, and, naturally, they reflect every shade of political belief and opinion on public and personal questions. Each is entitled to his own individual opinion and the cor

poration is not concerned with such opinions."

Later, in an address at Flint, Michigan, when the Buick Motor Company, a subsidiary of General Motors, celebrated subsidiary of General Motors, celebrated its silver anniversary, Mr. Sloan reiterated the principle that every individual in the organization has the right to think as he likes on "politics, religion, prohibition, or the like." And he added: "General Motors is not in politics. It will not permit its prestige, its organization, or its property to be used for political purposes." He summed up the matter by saying, "Our business is to make and sell motor cars and other products."

The Foreign Vote

THERE are in this country 7,000,000

"It is apparent," he says, "that up the candidates and the major issues of I the campaign, such as prohibition, farm relief, and religion in politics, the divergence of opinion among the foreign language editors is as great as among the editors of newspapers published in the English language. There is not only lack of unity between the various racial groups, but each seems to be split within itself."

Thus the "New Yorker Staats Zeitung" is outspoken for Hoover, but the "Detroiter Abendpost" says he may reasonably expect five per cent of ninetyfive per cent of the so-called German vote recently promised him. The "Dziennik Chicagoski" is for Smith, an the "Kuryer Polski," of Milwaukee, is for Hoover. The "Glas Naroda Slovene," Republican daily, says, "Nom comes the time when it will be said everywhere what a fine lot we are—we foreign-born voters."

The "Swedish Nordstjernan," of New York likes Smith, but the "Svea," of Worcester, Massachusetts, says no ca didate ever entered a campaign with greater handicaps.

So it goes; which means that the copying of these names is taking too much of our time.

Secularizing Turkey

MME. HALIDÉ EDIB was one of the leaders of the Nationalist movement in Turkey which produced the present Turkish Republic-was, in fact, Corporal Halidé in the Turkish Nationalist army. She has been lecturing at the Wiliamstow Institute of Politics, the first woman to appear there as a lecturer.

The new Turkey is, she said, not secularized, Church and State have bee atheistic, but its government has bee

separated. Islam, she pointed out-u like Christianity-has been not only a religion but a political system. This fact makes the abolition of a state religion in a Mohammedan country like Turke more revolutionary than the separatio of Church and State in Western nation It was not Mustapha Kemal, with whose régime she is not in sympathy, that forced secularization upon Turkey: was rather a long process going on for nearly a century.

veloped as a result of John J. Raskob,

accepting the position of Chairman of the National Democratic Committee, I wish to say most frankly that I regret

the Foreign Language Newspaper Service, after perusing a survey of foreignlanguage newspapers.

state which calls itself a Church State is bound to be restricted in its policy. It may be a good policy, but it is on