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THE INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND.

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trial before condemnation. They urged that the CHAP. recall of the patent would be a manifest breach of faith, pregnant with evils to themselves and their 1638.

Sept. neighbors; that it would strengthen the plantations of the French and the Dutch ; that it would discourage all future attempts at colonial enterprize; and finally, “if the patent be taken from us,” such was their cautious but energetic remonstrance, “the common people will conceive that his majesty hath cast them off, and that hereby they are freed from their allegiance and subjection; and therefore will be ready to confederate themselves under a new government for their necessary safety and subsistence, which will be of dangerous example unto other plantations, and perilous to ourselves, of incurring his majesty's displeasure." They therefore subjoin the

l petition, that they may be suffered to live in the wilderness, and obtain from the royal clemency the favor of neglect.

But before their supplication could find its way to the throne, the monarch was himself already involved in disasters. Anticipating success in his tyranny in England, he had resolved to practice no forbearance; with headlong indiscretion, he insisted on introducing a liturgy into Scotland; and compelling the uncompromising disciples of Knox to listen to prayers, translated from the Roman missal.

The first at- 1637.

July tempt at reading the new service in the cathedral of Edinburgh was the signal for that series of momentous events, which promised to restore liberty to

23.

1 Hubbard, p. 269–271. Hutch.v. i. App. No. v. Hazard, v. i.p.434.436.

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CHAP. England, and give peace to the colonies. The movear ment began as great revolutions almost always do,

from the ranks of the people. “What ye villain," shouted the old women at the dean, as he read the liturgy, “ will ye say mass in my lug ?”—“A pape, a pape," resounded the multitude, incensed against the bishop; “stane him, stane him.” The churchmen narrowly escaped martyrdom. The tumult spreads; the nobles of Scotland take advantage of

the excitement of the people to advance their ambi1638. tion. The national covenant is published, and is

signed by the Scottish nation, almost without distinction of rank, or sex; the defences of despotism are broken down; the flood washes away every vestige of ecclesiastical oppression. Scotland rises in arms for a holy war; and enlists religious enthusiasm under its banner in its contest against a despot, who has neither a regular treasury, nor an army, nor the confidence of his people. The wisest of his subjects

esteem the insurgents as their friends and allies. 1639. There is now no time to oppress New-England ; the

throne itself totters; — there is no need to forbid emigration; England is at once become the theatre of wonderful events, and many fiery spirits who had fled for a refuge to the colonies, rush back to share in the open struggle for liberty. In the following

years few passengers came over; the reformation of 1640, church and state, the attainder of Strafford, the im1642. peachment of Laud, the great enemy of Massachu

setts, caused all men to stay in England in expectation of a new world.i

1 Winthrop, v. ii. p. 7. 31. 74.

CONDITION OF NEW-ENGLAND.

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Yet a nation was already planted in New-Eng- CHAP. land; a commonwealth was matured; the contests in which the unfortunate Charles became engaged, and the republican revolution that followed, left the colonists for the space of twenty years nearly unmolested in the enjoyment of the benefits of virtual independence. The change which their industry had wrought in the wilderness was the admiration of their times; the wonder of the world. Plenty prevailed throughout the settlements. The wigwams and hovels in which the English had at first found shelter, were replaced by well-built houses. The number of emigrants, who had arrived in New-England before the assembling of the Long Parliament, are esteemed to have been twenty-one thousand two hundred. One hundred and ninety-eight ships had borne them across the Atlantic; and the whole cost of the plantations had been almost a million of dollars. A great expenditure and a great emigration for that age; yet two years ago more than fifty thousand persons arrived at the single port of Quebec in one summer; bringing with them a capital of more than three millions of dollars. In a little more than ten years, fifty towns and villages had been planted; between thirty and forty churches built; and

1 Lechford, p. 47. Johnson, b. 3 I have no doubt, 198 and not ii. c. xxi.

298. Compare Savage and Win2 Jobnson, b. i. c. xiv. Josselyn's throp, v. ii. p. 331, and v. ii. p. 91, N. E.

P.

258. Dummer's De- where there is another example fense of N. E. Charters. Hutch- of a inistake in printing from the inson, v. i. p. 91. Davis, in ii. Arabic numerals of Johnson. The Mass. H. Coll. v. i. p. xxiii. Neal's accounts preserved of the arrivals N. E. v. i. p. 213, and Douglass' in America, will not admit the Summary, v. p. 381, are in er- larger statement. ror. Mather, b. i. c. viii. S. 7. VOL I.

57

CHAP. strangers, as they gazed, could not but acknowledge

God's blessing on the endeavors of the planters. Affluence was already beginning to follow in the train of industry. The natural exports of the coun

. try were furs and lumber; grain was carried to the West-Indies; fish also was a staple. The business of ship-building, in which so great excellence has been attained, was early introduced ; vessels of four hundred tuns were constructed before 1643. So long as the ports were filled with new comers, the domestic consumption had required nearly all the produce of the colony. But now, says Winthrop, and in

the history of American industry, the fact is worth 1643. preserving, “our supplies from England failing much,

men began to look about them, and fell to a manufacture of cotton, whereof we had store from Barbadoes."

The Long Parliament contained among its members many sincere favorers of the puritan plantations; yet the English in America, with wise circumspection, did not for a moment forget the dangers of a foreign jurisdiction. “Upon the great liberty which the king had left the parliament in England, some of our friends there wrote to us advice to solicit for us in the parliament, giving us hope that we might obtain much. But consulting about it, we declined the motion for this consideration, that if we should put ourselves under the protection of the parliament, we must then be subject to all such laws as they

1641.

1 New England's First Fruits, in i. Mass. Hist. Coll. v. i. p. 247.

2 v. ii. p. 119.

THE FAVOR OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT.

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should make, or at least, such as they might impose CHAP. upon us.

It might prove very prejudicial to us.”l The love of political independence declined even benefits.

When letters arrived, inviting the colonial church- 1642. es to send their deputies to the Westminster assembly of divines, the same sagacity led them to neglect the invitation. Especially Hooker of Hartford, whom historians have so often taunted with jealous ambition, and who was remarkable for avoiding notoriety, “liked not the business,” and deemed it his duty rather to stay in quiet and obscurity with his people in Connecticut, than to turn propagandist and plead for independency in England.?

Yet such commercial advantages as might be obtained without a surrender of their chartered rights, were objects of desire ; Hugh Peter and two others had been despatched as agents for the colonies; and their mission was favorably received. The house of 1643. commons publicly acknowledged, that “ the planta- har tions in New-England had by the blessing of the Almighty had good and prosperous success, without any public charge to the parent state ;' and their imports and exports were freed from all taxation, “until the house of commons should take order to the con

The general court of Massachusetts received the ordinance hardly as a boon from a sovereign, but rather as a courtesy and a benefit from a friendly state, and while they entered it on their records as a

a

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trary.193

1 Winthrop, v. ii. p. 25. i. Hist. Coll. v. vi. p. 156.

2 Winthrop, v. ü. p. 76.

3 Hazard, v. i. p. 114. Winthrop, v. ii. p. 98. Hutchinson, v. i. p. 110. Chalmers, p. 174.

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