"

Mr. Pitt, during the discussion of this bill, was confined by indisposition, and hence, unable to raise his voice against it. Without much opposition, it passed both houses, and on the 29th of June, received the royal assent. At the same time were passed two other acts;-the one establishing a new board of custom-house officers in America; and the other restraining the legislature of the province of New-York from passing any act whatever, until they should furnish the king's troops with several required articles.

These three acts reached America at the same time, and again excited universal alarm. The first and second were particularly odious. The new duties, it was perceived, were only a new mode of drawing money from the colonies, and the same strong opposition to the measure was exhibited, which had prevailed against the stamp act. Several of the colonies, through their colonial assemblies, expressed their just abhorrence of these enactments, and their determination never to submit to them.

Soon after the establishment of the new board of custom house officers, at Boston, under the above act, a fit occasion presented itself, for an expression of the public indignation. This was the arrival at that port, in May, 1668, of the sloop Liberty, belonging to Mr. Hancock, and laden with wines from Madeira.

During the night, the most of her cargo was unladen, and put into stores; on the following day the sloop was entered at the custom house, with a few pipes only. A discovery being made of these facts, by the custom-house officers, the vessel was seized, and by their order removed along side of the Romney, a ship of war, then in the harbour.

The conduct of the custom-house officers in this transaction roused the indignant feelings of the Bostonians, who unwarrantably attacked the houses of the officers, and even assaulted their persons. No prosecutions, however, could be sustained, from the excited state of public feeling.

Finding themselves no longer safe in the town, the officers prudently sought protection on board the Romney, and subsequently retired to Castle Williams.

The public excitement was soon after increased, by the arrival in the harbour of two regiments of troops, under the command of Colonel Dalrymple. These were designed to assist the civil magistrates in the preservation of peace, and the custom-house officers in the execution of their functions. Both these regiments were encamped within the town-the one on the commons, the other in the market hall and state house.

This measure of the governor, under order of the British ministry, was eminently fitted to rouse the public indignation. to the highest pitch. To be thus watched, as if in a state of open rebellion—to see their common a place of encampment -and their halls of justice, with the chambers of their assembly, thronged with armed soldiers, was more than the inhabitants were willing to endure. Frequent quarrels and collisions occurred between the citizens and soldiers, which every day threatened to terminate in bloodshed.

During the session of parliament in 1770, the Duke of Grafton, first lord of the treasury, resigned, and was succeeded in that office by the afterwards celebrated Lord North. In March, this latter gentleman introduced a bill abolishing the duties imposed by the act of 1767, on all the articles except tea. This partial suspension of the duties served to soften the feelings of the Americans in a degree; but the exception in relation to tea, it was quite apparent, was designed as a salvo to the national honour, and as an evidence which the British ministry were unwilling to relinquish, of the right of parliament to tax the colonies.

The above relaxation in respect to certain duties was, however, unaccompanied by any other indications of a more kindly feeling towards the colonies. The troops were still continued in Boston, and the acts of trade enforced with singular strictAt length, on the evening of the 5th of March, 1770, in a quarrel between a party of soldiers and citizens, eleven of the latter were killed or wounded, by a guard, under command of a Captain Preston.

ness.

The news of this rencontre was spread in every direction over the city-the bells were rung, the alarm of "fire" was

given, the drums were beat, and the citizens every where called to arms. Thousands soon assembled, and demanded the removal of the troops from the town. With the assurance that the affair should be settled to their satisfaction in the morning, they were induced to retire. When the morning came, however, Hutchinson, the lieutenant governor, for a long time refused to order the removal of the troops, and was only driven to this measure, by evidence too strong to be doubted, that his own personal safety depended upon it.

The men who were killed, were regarded as martyrs in the cause of liberty; and at their interment no mark of public sympathy or appropriate funeral ceremony was omitted. The anniversary of this tragical event, which was called "the Boston massacre," was long observed with great solemnity, and gave occasion to warm and patriotic addresses, well adapted to excite a revolutionary spirit.

Captain Preston and his guard were arraigned before a judicial tribunal; but for the honour of the colony they were all acquitted, except two, who were found guilty of manslaughter. For this acquittal, the prisoners, as well as the colony, were indebted to the independent zeal and powerful eloquence of John Adams and Josiah Quincy, Jun. than whom none were warmer friends to the colony, or had acted a more conspicuous part against the imperious demands of the British ministry. Odious to the community as the prisoners were, these honest and intrepid champions appeared in their defence, and proved to the world, that while Americans could resist the usurpations of a tyrannical ministry, they could also stand forth, when justice required, for the protection and defence of their irresponsible servants.

Allusion has been made to the requirement of his British majesty, in former years, that the colonies should provide for the support of the royal governors by a permanent salary, and their refusal to yield to the royal wishes. In the year 1772, it was officially announced to the assembly of Massachusetts, that provision had been made for the payment of their governor's salary by the crown, independent of any grant from them. The former dispute on this subject had given birth to

many angry feelings; but language can scarcely describe the excitement occasioned by the renewal of the subject, and the application of the revenue of the colony to the above purpose, independent of the assembly. The house of representatives immediately declared the appropriation an infraction of their charter a dangerous innovation, and the preliminary to a despotic administration of government.

While this dispute was going forward in Massachusetts, a bold opposition to the measures of the British ministry appeared (June, 1772) in the colony of Rhode Island. A British armed schooner, called the Gaspee, had been stationed in that colony to assist the board of customs in the execution of the revenue and trade laws. Desirous of displaying his authority, and of humbling the pride of the colonists, the captain obliged the masters of packets, navigating the bay, to lower their colours on passing the schooner; and, in case of refusal, would chase them, and fire upon them. To a requirement so humiliating, a master of one of the Providence packets refused to submit, and was chased by the schooner, which venturing too far inland, ran aground.

Intelligence of her situation was immediately communicated to the inhabitants of Providence; and several who were characterized for a love of daring enterprise, repaired to the spot. Under cover of night, they took the vessel by force, and burnt her to the water's edge. Such a bold opposition to the laws, was not suffered to pass unnoticed. although commissioners were appointed to investigate the affair, and a reward of 500l. was offered for a discovery of the offenders, all efforts to detect them were futile.

But

The opposition to the royal provision for the salary of the governor, which we noticed in a preceding paragraph, was not confined to the assembly of Massachusetts. Numerous meetings were called in the various towns of the provinces, in relation, as well to this particular measure, as to other oppressive acts of the British parliament.

In these meetings, the town of Boston took the lead. A committee was appointed to address the several towns in the colony, and to urge upon them the importance of an unani

mous expression of their feelings with regard to the conduct of the British ministry. "We have abundant reason to apprehend," said this committee, in their address," that a plan of despotism has been concerted, and is hastening to a completion; the late measures of the administration have a direct tendency to deprive us of every thing valuable as men, as christians, and as subjects, entitled to the rights of native Britons."-"We are not afraid of poverty," said they, in conclusion,- -"but we disdain slavery. Let us consider, we are struggling for our best birth rights and inheritance; which, being infringed, renders all our blessings precarious in their enjoyment, and trifling in their value."

The proceedings of the assembly, and of the towns in Massachusetts, were communicated to the house of burgesses in Virginia, in March of 1773. Similar sentiments prevailed in that ancient and patriotic colony. It was apparent to that body, and began to be a prevailing opinion throughout the country, that to remain much longer in that particular state, was impossible. The future was indeed indistinct. But the wild confusion of the elements gave indications of an approaching storm. A portentous cloud hung over the country. It was the part of wisdom, at least, to think of preparation, and to ascertain in what attitude things stood in different sections of the country, together with the support the directing officers might expect, should the threatening tempest actually burst.

With these views, no doubt, the house of burgesses in Virginia, on the 12th of March, 1773, passed the following resolutions :

"Be it resolved, that a standing committee of correspondence and inquiry be appointed, to consist of eleven persons, to wit: the honourable Peyton Randolph, Esquire, Robert Carter Nicholas, Richard Bland, Richard Henry Lee, Benjamin Harrison, Edmund Pendleton, Patrick Henry, Dudley Diggs, Dabney Carr, Archibald Cary, and Thomas Jefferson, Esquires, any six of whom to be a committee, whose business it shall be to obtain the most early and authentic intelligence of such acts and resolutions of the British parliament, or proceedings of administration, as may relate to, or affect the British