The difference between the issues and the amount outstanding is the amount that had been redeemed. Of all the difficulties encountered by the administrative bureau of the Government, the greatest was caused by the deficiency of transportation. With the coasting trade cut off and all the great rivers under command of the Federal fleet, the only reliance for internal trade and communication was necessarily on the railroads. These were never designed or provided with the means for the task now imposed upon them. They had, besides, suffered much from inability to command the supplies of iron, implements, and machinery, and from many sacrifices and losses in war. The deficiency in skilled labor was also a great embarrassment in requisite repairs. Some of the shorter and less important lines were thus sacrificed, and the iron and machinery taken for the maintenance of the leading roads, and for the construction of some essential and less exposed interior links of connection. The military operations demanded all the energies of the people, and required the sacrifice of every private interest to secure their success. If these failed, their cause was lost. But armies could be raised and sustained only while hope invigorated the spirits of the people. In this respect the year 1864 brought the severest test which had yet been felt. The waning proportions of the military territory and of the armies to resist their foes, depressed the hopes of the rulers and people, and foreboded what the result would be. Hence unusual efforts were made to rouse their energies. The question of Peace was present to every mind. But one view, however, controlled the Government and the majority of the people: when the North is prepared to acknowledge the independence of the Confederate States, the war will close and peace prevail. As there was not the slightest indication of such an act on the part of the North, all these parties urged forward the war. In North Carolina, during 1863, there were those who not only desired peace but demanded some immediate steps to be taken to open negotiations. In their minds the success of the Confederacy was considered impossible, as they sanguinely anticipated some favorable arrangements between the contestants. The end of nearly four years of war presented the people of the Southern States under a Government in the exercise of every power of a national, central, military despotism. Conscription was carried to its last limit. Every man between seventeen and fifty was subject to military authority. None were exempt except on considerations of public interest. Direct taxes were laid in defiance of the theory of their constitution. Such vast amounts of paper money had been issued as to unsettle all values. The holders of this paper money were compelled to fund it or lose one-third. All the railroads were seized by the Government, and some were destroyed and others built. A universal system of impressment of property was established at Government prices in Government money. Of the exportations of the great staples the Government held the monopoly. Those citizens who were permitted to remain at home were required to execute a bond to furnish their products to the Government at its prices. The habeas corpus was suspended and a passport system was established. Notwithstanding all these sacrifices, the military operations had resulted in loss in every State, and the theatre of activity was reduced to three Atlantic States. On the other hand, in the Union States a weariness of the war, or a laudable desire to put an end to the appalling horrors of the conflict, awakened in the mass of the people a strong wish for peace. So prevalent was this wish, that even unofficial individuals were tempted to undertake the preparation of the preliminaries. President Lincoln appears kindly to have indulged these inclinations, although they resulted in showing that neither side were willing to make any concession merely for the sake of peace. The first of these movements, in point of time, consisted in a visit of Rev. Col. Jacques and Mr. J. R. Gilmore to Richmond, in which two interviews were had with Mr. Davis. The visit resulted in nothing, and the President appears to have taken no part in the matter further than to approve of their passage through the Federal lines, although the terms suggested in the conversations are the same as the President has advanced on every subsequent occasion. The following letter explains the manner in which a passage into the enemy's lines was obtained: HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES, CITY POINT, VA., July 8, 1864. Gen. R. E. Lee, Commanding Confederate Forces near Petersburg, Va. GENERAL: I would request that Col. James F. Jacques, 78th Illinois volunteer infantry, and J. R. Gilmore, Esq., be allowed to meet Col. Robert Ould, place between the lines of the two armies as you may commissioner for the exchange of prisoners, at such designate. The object of the meeting is legitimate with the duties of Col. Ould as commissioner. If not consistent for you to grant the request here asked, I would beg that this be referred to President Davis for his action. Requesting as early an answer to this communication as you may find it convenient to make, I subscribe myself, very respectfully, your obedient servant, U. Š. GRANT, Lieut.-Gen. U. S. A. The following note opened the way for an interview with Mr. Davis: SPOTTISWOOD HOTEL, RICHMOND, VA., July 17, 1864. Hon. J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of State, C. S. A. DEAR SIR: The undersigned, James F. Jacques, of Illinois, and James R. Gilmore, of Massachusetts, most respectfully solicit an interview with President Davis. They visit Richmond as private citizens, and have no official character or authority; but they are fully possessed of the views of the United States Government relative to an adjustment of the differences now existing between the North and the South, and have little doubt that a free interchange of views between President Davis and themselves would open the way to such official negotiations as would ultimate in restoring peace to the two sections of our distracted country. They therefore ask an interview with the President, and awaiting your reply, are, most truly and respectfully, your obedient servants, JAS. F. JACQUES, JAS. R. GILMORE. Mr. Gilmore states the conversation between himself and Mr. Davis thus: Gilmore.-Well, sir, be that as it may, if I understand you, the dispute between your Government and ours is narrowed down to this, Union or disunion? Davis.-Yes, or to put it in other words, independence or subjugation. Gilmore. Then the two Governments are irreconcilably apart. They have no alternative but to fight it out. But it is not so with the people. They are tired of fighting, and want peace; and as they bear all the burden and suffering of the war, is it not right they should have peace, and have it on such terms as they like? Davis.-I don't understand you; be a little more explicit. Gilmore.-Well, suppose the two Governments should agree to something like this: To go to the people with two propositions: say, peace with disunion and Southern independence, as your proposition-and peace with union, emancipation, no conLet the fiscation, and universal amnesty, as ours. citizens of all the United States (as they existed be66 no fore the war) vote "yes" or on these two propositions, at a special election within sixty days. If a majority votes disunion, our Government to be bound by it, and to let you go in peace. If a majority votes Union, yours to be bound by it and to stay in peace. The two Governments can contract in this way, and the people, though constitutionally unable to decide on peace or war, can elect which of the two propositions shall govern their rulers. Let Lee and Grant, meanwhile, agree to an armistice. This would sheathe the sword; and, if once sheathed, it would never again be drawn by this generation. Davis.-The plan is altogether impracticable. If the South were only one State, it might work; but as it is, if one Southern State objected to emancipation it would nullify the whole thing; for you are aware the people of Virginia cannot vote slavery out of South Carolina, nor the people of South Carolina vote it out of Virginia. Gilmore.-But three-fourths of the States can amend the Constitution. Let it be done in that way; in any way so that it be done by the people. I am not a statesman nor a politician, and I do not know just how such a plan could be carried out; but you get the idea that the people shall decide the question. Davis. That the majority shall decide it, you mean. We seceded to rid ourselves of the rule of the major ity, and this would subject us to it again. Gilmore.-But the majority must rule finally, either with bullets or ballots. Davis.-I am not so sure of that. Neither current events nor history shows that the majority rules, or ever did rule. The contrary, I think, is true. Why, sir, the man who should go before the Southern people with such a proposition, with any proposition which implied that the North was to have a voice in determining the domestic relations of the South, could not live here a day. He would be hanged to the first tree, without judge or jury. Mr. Benjamin, Secretary of State, in an official letter to James M. Mason, commissioner in Europe, says: Mr. Gilmore then addressed the President, and in a few minutes had conveyed the information that these two gentlemen had come to Richmond impressed with the idea that this Government would accept a peace on a basis of a reconstruction of the Union, the abolition of slavery, and the grant of an amnesty to the people of the States as repentant criminals. In order to accomplish the abolition of slavery, was proposed that there should be a general vote of all the people of both federations, in mass, and the majority of the vote thus taken was to determine that as well as all other disputed questions. These were stated to be Mr. Lincoln's views. The President answered, that as these proposals had been prefaced by the remark that the people of the North were a majority, and that a majority ought to govern, the offer was, in effect, a proposal that the Confederate States should surrender at discretion, admit that they had been wrong from the beginning of the contest, submit to the mercy of their enemies, and avow themselves to be in need of pardon for their crimes; that extermination was preferable to dishonor. He stated that if they were themselves so unacquainted with the form of their own Government as to make such propositions, Mr. Lincoln ought to have known, when giving them his views, that it was out of the power of the Confederate Government to act on the subject of the domestic institutions of the several States, each State having exclusive jurisdiction on that point, still less to commit the decision of such a question to the vote of a foreign people. The next attempt to prepare the way for negotiations was of a semi-official character, and resulted in a clear statement by the President of his terms of settlement so indefinitely brought out in the preceding conversation. Mr. Horace Greeley, who was the active participant on the Union side, thus relates the origin of the correspondence which took place: Some time since it was announced by telegraph from Halifax that Messrs. C. C. Clay, of Alabama, Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi (ex-United States Senators), Professor J. P. Holcombe, of the Univer sity of Virginia, and George N. Sanders, of Kentucky, had reached that city from Dixie via Bermu da, on important business, and all of these but Mr. Thompson (who was in Toronto) were soon quartered at the Clifton, on the Canada side of Niagara Falls. I heard soon after of confidential interviews between some or all of those gentlemen and leading Democrats from our own and neighboring States, and there were telegraphic whispers of overtures for reconstruction, and conditions were set forth as those on which the Confederates would consent to reunion. (I cannot say that any of these reports were authentic.) At length, after several less direct intimations, I receiv ed a private letter from Mr. Sanders, stating that Messrs. Clay, Holcombe, himself, and another, desired to visit Washington, upon complete and unqualified protection being given by the President or the Secretary of War. As I saw no reason why the opposition should be the sole recipients of these gentlemen's overtures, if such there were (and it is stated that Mr. Clay aforesaid is preparing or to prepare an important letter to the Chicago Convention), I wrote the President, urg ing him to invite the rebel gentlemen aforesaid to Washington, there to open their budget. I stated expressly that I knew not what they would propose if so invited; but I could imagine no offer that might be made by them which would not conduce, in one way or another, to a restoration of the integrity and just authority of the Union. The President ultimately acquiesced in this view so far as to consent that the rebel agents should visit Washington, but directed that I should proceed to Niagara, and accompany them thence to the capital. This service I most reluctantly undertook, feeling deeply and observing that almost any one else might better have been sent on this errand. But time seemed precious, and I immediately started. The correspondence was as follows: Mr. Jewett to Mr. Greeley. NIAGARA FALLS, July 5, 1864. MY DEAR MR. GREELEY: In reply to your note, I have to advise having just left Hon. George N. Sanders of Kentucky on the Canada side. I am authorized to state to you, for our use only, not the public, that two ambassadors of Davis & Co. are now in Canada, with full and complete powers for a peace, and Mr. Sanders requests that you come on immediately to me, at Cataract House, to have a private interview; or if you will send the President's protection for him and two friends, they will come on and meet you. He says the whole matter can be consummated by me, you, them, and President Lincoln. Telegraph me in such form that I may know if you come here, or they to come on with me. Yours, W. C. JEWETT. Mr. Greeley to President Lincoln. NEW YORK, July 7, 1864. MY DEAR SIR: I venture to enclose you a letter and telegraphic despatch that I received yesterday from our irrepressible friend Colorado Jewett, at Niagara Falls. I think they deserve attention. Of course I do not indorse Jewett's positive averment that his friends at the Falls have "full power" from J. D., though I do not doubt that he thinks they have. I let that statement stand as simply evidencing the anxiety of the Confederates everywhere for peace. So much is beyond doubt. I therefore venture to remind you that our bleeding, bankrupt, almost dying country, also longs for peace-shudders at the prospect of fresh conscriptions, of further wholesale devastations, and of new rivers of human blood; and a wide-spread conviction that the Government and its prominent supporters are not anxious for peace, and do not improve proffered opportunities to achieve it, is doing great harm now, and is morally certain, unless removed, to do far greater in the approaching elections. It is not enough that we anxiously desire a true and lasting peace; we ought to demonstrate and establish the truth beyond cavil. The fact that A. H. Stephens was not permitted a year ago to visit and confer with the authorities at Washington has done harm, which the tone of the late national convention at Baltimore is not calculated to counteract. I entreat you, in your own time and manner, to submit overtures for pacification to the Southern insurgents, which the impartial must pronounce frank and generous. If only with a view to the momentous election soon to occur in North Carolina, and of the draft to be enforced in the free States, this should be done at once. I would give the safe conduct required by the rebel envoys at Niagara, upon their parole to avoid observation and to refrain from all communication with their sympathizers in the loyal States; but you may see reasons for declining it. But whether through them or otherwise, do not, I entreat you, fail to make the Southern people comprehend that you, and all of us, are anxious for peace, and prepared to grant liberal terms. I venture to suggest the following plan of adjustment: 1. The Union is restored and declared perpetual. 2. Slavery is utterly and forever abolished throughout the same. 3. A complete amnesty of all political offences, with a restoration of all the inhabitants of each State to all the privileges of citizens of the United States. 4. The Union to pay four hundred million dollars (8400,000,000) in five per cent. United States stock to the late slave States, loyal and secession alike, to be apportioned pro rata, according to their slave population respectively, by the census of 1860, in compensation for the losses of their loyal citizens by the abolition of slavery. Each State to be entitled to its quota upon the ratification by its legislature of this adjustment. The bonds to be at the absolute disposal of the legislature aforesaid. 5. The said slave States to be entitled henceforth to representation in the House on the basis of their total, instead of their Federal population, the whole now being free. 6. A national convention, to be assembled as soon as may be, to ratify this adjustment, and make such changes in the Constitution as may be deemed advisable. Mr. President, I fear you do not realize how intently the people desire any peace consistent with the national integrity and honor, and how joyously they would hail its achievement and bless its authors. With United States stocks worth but forty cents in gold per dollar, and drafting about to commence on the third million of Union soldiers, can this be wondered at? I do not say that a just peace is now atthat a frank offer by you to the insurgents of terms tainable, though I believe it to be so; but I do say which the impartial say ought to be accepted, will, at the worst, prove an immense and sorely needed advantage to the national cause. It may save us from a northern insurrection. Yours, truly, HORACE GREELEY. P. S.-Even though it should be deemed unadvisable to make an offer of terms to the rebels, I insist that, in any possible case, it is desirable that any offer they may be disposed to make should be received, and either accepted or rejected. I beg you to invite those now at Niagara to exhibit their credentials and submit their ultimatum. President Lincoln to Mr. Greeley. H. G. WASHINGTON. D. C., July 9, 1864. HON. HORACE GREELEY: Dear Sir-Your letter of the 7th, with inclosures, received. If you can find any person anywhere professing to have any proposition of Jefferson Davis in writing, for peace, embracing the restoration of the Union and the abandonment of slavery, whatever else it embraces, say to him he may come to me with you; and that if he really brings such proposition, he shall, at the least, have safe conduct with the paper (and without publicity if he chooses) to the point where you shall have met him. The same if there be two or more persons. Yours, truly, A. LINCOLN. Mr. Greeley to the President. OFFICE OF THE TRIBUNE, NEW YORK, July 10, 1864. MY DEAR SIR: I have yours of yesterday. Whether there be persons at Niagara (or elsewhere) who are empowered to commit the rebels by negotiation, is a question; but if there be such, there is no question at all that they would decline to exhibit their credentials to me, much more to open their budget and give me their best terms. Green as I may be, I am not quite so verdant as to imagine any thing of the sort. I have neither purpose nor desire to be made a confidant, far less an agent, in such negotiations. But I do deeply realize that the rebel chiefs achieved a most decided advantage in proposing, or pretending to propose, to have A. H. Stephens visit Washington as a peacemaker, and being rudely repulsed; and I am anxious that the ground lost to the national cause by that mistake shall somehow be regained in season for effect on the approaching North Carolina election. I will see if I can get a look into the hand of whomsoever may be at Niagara: though that is a project so manifestly hopeless that I have little heart for it, still I shall try. Meantime I wish you would consider the propriety of somehow apprising the people of the South, espe cially those of North Carolina, that no overture or advance looking to peace and reunion has ever been repelled by you, but that such a one would at any time have been cordially received and favorably regarded, and would still be. Yours, Hon. A. LINCOLN. HORACE GREELEY. Mr. Sanders to Mr. Greeley. [Private and confidential.] CLIFTON HOUSE, NIAGARA FALLS, C.W., July 12, 1864. SIR: I am authorized to say that Hon. Clement C. 660 Clay, of Alabama, Professor James P. Holcombe, of Virginia, and George N. Sanders, of Dixie, are ready and willing to go at once to Washington, upon complete and unqualified protection being given, either by the President or Secretary of War. Let the permission include the three names and one other. Very respectfully, GEORGE N. SANDERS. To Hon. HORACE GREELEY. Mr. Greeley to the President. OFFICE OF THE TRIBUNE, NEW YORK, July 12, 1864. MY DEAR SIR: I have now information on which I can rely, that two persons duly commissioned and empowered to negotiate for peace are at this moment not far from Niagara Falls, in Canada, and are desirous of conferring with yourself, or with such persons as you may appoint and empower to treat with them. Their names (only given in confidence) are Hon. Clement C. Clay, of Alabama, and Hon. Jacob Thomp. son of Mississippi. If you should prefer to meet them in person, they require safe conduct for themselves and for George N. Sanders, who will accompany them. Should you choose to empower one or more persons to treat with them in Canada, they will of course need no safe-conduct; but they cannot be expected to exhibit credentials, save to commissionIn negotiating directly ers empowered as they are. with yourself, all grounds of cavil would be avoided, and you would be enabled at all times to act upon the freshest advices of the military situation. You will of course understand that I know nothing and have proposed nothing as to terms, and that nothing is conceded or taken for granted by the meeting of persons empowered to negotiate for peace. All that is assumed is a mutual desire to terminate this wholesale slaughter, if a basis of adjustment can be mutually agreed on; and it seems to me high time that an effort to this end should be made. I am, of course, quite other than sanguine that a peace can now be made, but I am quite sure that a frank, earnest, anxious effort to terminate the war on honorable terms would immensely strengthen the Government in case of its failure, and would help us in the eyes of the civilized world, which now accuses us of obstinacy, and indisposition even to seek a peaceful solution of our sanguinary, devastating conflict. Hoping to hear that you have resolved to act in the premises, and to act so promptly that a good influence may even yet be exerted on the North Carolina election next month, HORACE GREELEY. I remain yours, President Lincoln to Mr. Greeley. I suppose you received my letter of the 9th. I have just received yours of the 13th, and am disappointed by it. I was not expecting you to send me a Mr. Hay goes letter, but to bring me a man or men. to you with my answer to yours of the 13th, A. LINCOLN. President Lincoln to Mr. Greeley. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 15, 1864. Hon. HORACE GREELEY: My Dear Sir-Yours of the 13th is just received, and I am not disappointed that you have not already reached here with If they would consent to those Commissioners. come on being shown my letter to you of the 9th inst., show that and this to them; and if they will come on the terms stated in the former, bring them. I not only intend a sincere effort for peace, but I intend that you shall be a personal witness that it is A. LINCOLN. made. Yours, truly, Major Hay to the President. UNITED STATES MILITARY TELEGRAPH, WAR DEP'T, Arrived this morning at 6 A. M., and delivered your letter a few minutes after. Although he thinks some President Lincoln to Major Hay. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 16, 1864 JOHN HAY, Astor House, New York. Yours received. Write the safe conduct as you propose, without waiting for one by mail from me. If there is or is not any thing in the affair, I wish to A. LINCOLN. know it without unnecessary delay. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C. The President of the United States directs that the four persons whose names follow, to wit: Hon. Clement C. Clay, Hon. Jacob Thompson, Prof. James P. Holcombe, George N. Sanders, shall have safe conduct to the city of Washington, in company with the Hon. Horace Greeley, and shall be exempt from arrest or annoyance of any kind from any officer of the United States during their journey to the city of Washington. By order of the President, JOHN HAY, Major and A. A. G. Mr. Greeley's Reply. NIAGARA FALLS, N. Ye, July 17, 1964 GENTLEMEN: I am informed that you are duly accredited from Richmond as the bearers of propositions looking to the establishment of peace; that you desire to visit Washington in the fulfilment of your mission, and that you further desire that Mr. George N. Sanders shall accompany you. If my information be thus far substantially correct, I am authorized by the President of the United States to tender you his safe conduct on the journey proposed, and to accompany you at the earliest time that will be agreeable to you. I have the honor to be, gentlemen, yours, HORACE GREELEY. To Messrs. CLEMENT C. CLAY, JACOB THOMPSON, JAMES P. HOLCOMBE, Clifton House, C. W. Messrs. Holcombe and Clay to Mr. Greeley. CLIFTON HOUSE, NIAGARA FALLS, July 18, 1884 SIR: We have the honor to acknowledge your favor of the 17th inst., which would have been answered on yesterday but for the absence of Mr. Clay. The safe conduct of the President of the United States has been tendered us, we regret to state, under some misapprehension of facts. We have not been accredited to him from Richmond as the bearers of propo sitions looking to the establishment of peace. We are, however, in the confidential employment of our Government, and are entirely familiar with its wishes to declare that, if the circumstances disclosed in this and opinions on that subject; and we feel authorized we would be at once invested with the authority to correspondence were communicated to Richmond, with full powers, would be immediately sent to Washwhich your letter refers; or other gentlemen, clothed so much to be desired, and terminating at the earliest ington with the view of hastening a consummation spectfully solicit, through your intervention, a safe possible moment the calamities of the war. Wereconduct to Washington, and thence by any route which may be designated, through your lines to Richmond. We would be gratified if Mr. George N. Sanders was embraced in this privilege. Permit us, in conclusion, to acknowledge our obli gations to you for the interest you have manifested in the furtherance of our wishes, and to express the INTERNATIONAL HOTEL, NIAGARA, N. Y., July 18, 1864. GENTLEMEN: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of yours of this date by the hand of Mr. W. C. Jewett. The state of facts therein presented being materially different from that which was understood to exist by the President when he entrusted me with the safe conduct required, it seems to me on every account advisable that I should communicate with him by telegraph, and solicit fresh instructions, which I shall at once proceed to do. I hope to be able to transmit the result this afternoon; and at all events I shall do so at the earliest moment. Yours, truly, HORACE GREELEY. To Messrs. CLEMENT C. CLAY and JAMES P. HOLCOMBE, Clifton House, C. W. Mr. Greeley to the President. INDEPENDENT TELEGRAPH LINE, NIAGARA FALLS, July 18, 1864. Hon. ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President: I have communicated with the gentlemen in question, and do not find them so empowered as I was previously assured. They say that "we are, however, in the confidential employment of our Government, and entirely familiar with its wishes and opinions on that subject; and we feel authorized to declare that, if the circumstances disclosed in this correspondence were communicated to Richmond, we would at once be invested with the authority to which your letter refers, or other gentlemen, clothed with full powers, would immediately be sent to Washington with the view of hastening a consummation so much to be desired, and terminating at the earliest possible moment the calamities of war. We respectfully solicit, through your intervention, a safe conduct to Washington, and thence by any route which may be desig: nated to Richmond." Such is the more material portion of the gentlemen's letter. I will transmit the entire correspondence, if desired. Awaiting your further instructions, I remain yours, HORACE GREELEY. Messrs. Clay and Holcombe to Mr. Greeley. CLIFTON HOUSE, NIAGARA FALLS, July 18, 1864. To Hon. H. GREELEY, Niagara Falls, N. Y.: SIE: We have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of this date by the hands of Col. Jewett, and will await the further answer which you purpose to send to us. We are, very respectfully, &c., C. C. CLAY, JR. Mr. Greeley to Messrs. Clay and Holcombe. NIAGARA FALLS, N. Y., July 19, 1864. GENTLEMEN: At a late hour last evening (too late for communication with you) I received a despatch informing me that further instructions left Washington last evening, which must reach me, if there be no interruption, at noon to-morrow. Should you decide to await their arrival, I feel confident that they will enable me to answer definitely your note of yesterday morning. Regretting a delay which I am sure you will regard as unavoidable on my part, I remain, yours truly, HORACE GREELEY. To Hon. Messrs. C. C. CLAY, Jr., and H. P. HOLCOMBE, Clifton House, Niagara, C. W. Messrs. Holcombe and Clay to Mr. Greeley. CLIFTON HOUSE, NIAGARA FALLS, July 19, 1864. SIR: Col. Jewett has just handed us your note of this date, in which you state that further instructions from Washington will reach you by noon to-morrow if there be no interruption. One or possibly both of us may be obliged to leave the Falls to-day, but will return in time to receive the communication which you promise to-morrow. We remain truly yours, &c., JAMES P. HOLCOMBE. C. C. CLAY, JR. To Hon. H. GREELEY, now at International Hotel. The despatch which Mr. Greeley received from Washington, he thus explains: "Not feeling at liberty to concede this, I telegraphed to Washington for further instructions, and was duly informed that Major Hay, the President's private secretary, would soon be on his way to me. He reached the Falls on the 20th, and we crossed over to the Clifton, where Major Hay, after mutual introductions, handed Professor Holcombe the following paper in the handwriting of the President: EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 18, 1864. To whom it may concern: Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrity of the whole Union, and the abandonment of slavery, and which comes by and with an authority that can control the armies now at war against the United States, will be received and considered by the Executive Government of the United States, and will be met by liberal terms on other substantial and collateral points, and the bearer thereof shall have safe conduct both ways. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Note from Major Hay to Mr. Holcombe. INTERNATIONAL HOTEL, Wednesday July 20th. Major Hay would respectfully inquire whether Professor Holcombe and the gentlemen associated with him desire to send to Washington by Major Hay any messages in reference to the communication delivered to him on yesterday, and in that case when he may expect to be favored with such messages. Note from Mr. Holcombe to Major Hay. CLIFTON HOUSE, NIAGARA FALLS, Thursday, July 21, 1864. Mr. Holcombe presents his compliments to Major Hay, and greatly regrets if his return to Washington has been delayed by any expectation of an answer to the communication which Mr. Holcombe received from him on yesterday, to be delivered to the President of the United States. That communication was accepted as the response to a letter of Messrs, Clay and Holcombe to the Hon. H. Greeley, and to that gentleman an answer has been transmitted. Messrs. Holcombe and Clay to Mr Greeley. CLIFTON HOUSE, NIAGARA FALLS, July 21, 1864. TO HON. HORACE GREELEY: SIR: The paper handed to Mr. Holcombe on yesterday in your presence by Major Hay, Assistant Adjutant-General, as an answer to the application in our note of the 18th inst., couched in the following terms: EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., July 18th, 1864. To whom it may concern: Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrity of the whole Union, and the abandonment of slavery, and which comes by and with an authority that can control the armies now at war against the United States, will be received and considered by the Executive Government of the United States, and will be met by liberal terms on other substantial and collateral points, and the bearer or bearers thereof shall have safe conduct both ways. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. The application to which we refer was elicited by your letter of the 17th instant, in which you inform Mr. Jacob Thompson and ourselves that you were |