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give a powerful chapter on ground so fair, father, is put for an emblem of an early ly beaten out as every part of Egypt has thirst for knowledge; but the curly-headbeen of late. He was at Cairo during the ed child, carrying these little treasures in terrible plague that some years since swept the first pocket his mother makes him, over all that region of the world. His de- may now steal away into the green woods, scription, though dashed with a strange or by solitary pasture-brooks, and drink in, vein of lightness, has something of the fear unknown to his sisters and father (but his ful distinctness of the pestilence-narratives mother will find it out !)-enough to beof Boccacio and De Foe. Meanwhile he gin in him a life-time of wisdom and pohas a word to say about the Sphynx. etic thought. Of the little volumes before
us, one is a collection of various sacred “Laugh, and mock if you will at the lyrics; another of the beautiful melodies worship of stone idols, but mark ye this, of Byron, Moore, and Hebre. Another conye breakers of images, that in one regard, tains some poems of Mrs. Southey, under the stone idol bears awful semblance of the title of “ Autumn Flowers. Deity-unchangefulness in the midst of The verses of this lady, if not marked change the same seeming will and intent, with much originality or power, are yet for ever and ever inexorable! Upon
graceful and delicate. ancient dynasties of Ethiopian and Egyptian Kings—upon Greek and Roman, upon
AUTUMN FLOWERS. Arab and Ottoman conquerors--upon Napoleon dreaming of an Eastern Empire Those few pale Autumn flowers ! upon battle and pestilence--upon the care
How beautiful they are ! less misery of the Egyptian race-upon the
Than all that went before, keen-eyed travelers--Herodotus yester
Than all the Summer store, day, and Warburton to-day-upon all, and How lovelier far ! more this unworldly Sphynx has watched.
And why? They are the last and watched, like a Providence, with the
The last ! the last! the last! same earnest eyes, and the same sad tran
0, by that little word quil mien. And we, we shall die, and
How many thoughts are stirred ! Islam will wither away, and the English
That sister of the past ! man, leaning far over to behold his loved India, will plant a firm foot on the banks of the Nile, and sit in the seats of the
THE THREE FRIENDS. Faithful, and still that sleepless rock will lie watching and watching the works of the Stanzas accompanying a picture. new, busy race, with those same sad, We three were loving friends! a lowly life earnest eyes, and the same tranquil mien
Of humble peace, obscure, content we everlasting. You dare not mock at the
led; Sphynx !"
Stealing away, withouten noise or strise,
And learned lore, had little share in
those: York, Saxton & Miles.
Thus, by the winter fire we used to sit, We have received several small vols. of Or in the summer evening's warm rePoems from Messrs. Saxton & Co., neatly
pose, printed and bound, to be easily slipped into At our sweet bowery window, opening down a narrow pocket, or were they gifts to To the green grass, beneath the flowering some lady, which is their fitting destination,
lime, they might be carried in her bosom. This When the deep curfew from the distant town is one of the redeeming traits about this Came mellowed, like the voice of olden system of cheap, very cheap publishing, of
time; late so inuch in vogue; that choice short efforts of the Muse and the Graces, chance And our grave neighbor, from the barn gatherings in the by-ways of literature,
hard by, fragments of brief and eloquent prose, are
The great gray owl, sailed out on soundfolded up, and come to us in these delicate
And the pale stars, like beams of memory, shapes.
The time has passed when the picture of Brightened as twilight veiled all earthly a pale-faced boy, lugging up the garret stairs
things. some folio volume heavier than his grand
Many books have been sent to us, which we have not as yet found space to notice. Among them is Miss Fuller's “ Woman in the 19th century," which we believe has reached the third edition. We shall dispose of them in the next Number or two.
We said in the Foreign Miscellany of in something else than a conflict between our last number, that it would be one great Catholicism and Protestantism. The fire effort with us, in giving to our readers a of liberty, which ever since the French monthly summary, to trace the progress of invasion has seemed to be smothered in the spirit of liberty over the world. Be- that land, is now suddenly bursting forth. yond contradiction, the great moral strug. The effort to enslave the mass, instead cf gle that is now silently going on over crushing them deeper, has roused them to Europe, is the most momentous and inter- put forth still greater efforts for their an. esting of all subjects whatsoever. The cient liberty. It is now proposed, and the ebbing away of the waves of that terrible question is profoundly agitating that ancient revolution in France, allowed the despots republic, to form an entirely new Consti. of the world a short breathing time, but tution, allowing in the General Diet a not permanent rest. Physical power was representation more on our principle, than met by physical power, and the question formerly. In other words to establish a settled, whether the people or the throne democratic form of government, like our was the strongest. The next step was to own, which shall bind all the Cantons decide where the moral force rested, in the together into one federation, allowing just longer and more silent conflict of princi- and equal rights to each. This proposition ples. The explosion in France was not a which is gaining ground every day, has a mere earthquake, burying a few thrones awakened the anxious suspicions of the and palaces and then closing up as before. neighboring governments, and diplomatists It was the great piercing cry of suffering are traversing the land in every direction, humanity, which, when the sudden agony and hovering on its borders in the greatest was over still lived in the ears of men. perplexity, endeavoring to check this effort We are always looking for effects from for freedom in its birth-throes. What the outward examples of greatness or prosper- result will be we cannot tell, but the great ity, and not from the simple utterance of fear among the crowned heads of Europe, truths that have not found expression be- is, that a republic, not in name, but in spirit fore. The rapidity with which the French and action, shall spring up in their midst, revolution moved was doubtless owing in forming as it were a focus from which to a great measure to the principles that had radiate influence over the Continent. The been established in ours. Its famous de- cry of France in her bitterest calamities, claration of rights was simply another word. was "give us a Constitution !” They felt ing of our Declaration of Independence, the need of something to define and secure So also our influence on the world at their rights. The Swiss from their mounpresent is entirely a moral one. The de tain home, are also calling for a Constituclaimers on the Anniversary of our Na. tion. If they get it Austria will lose her tional Independence are constantly telling portion of Switzerland, on the south, while of the glory of our country, making us the its northern boundary will most certainly envy of all others; but the truth is, our be enlarged. But were there nothing more whole influence, as felt at this moment, than the simple demand for a Constitution. lies in the principles contained in our Decla- it would send alarm through all the neighration of Independence. It is those that boring monarchies. This asking for a disquiet monarchies. It needs but their Constitution and a national representation utterance, to secure a full and thrilling re- is the plainest justice imaginable, and it is sponse from the common people. It is hard to stop it with bayonets in the present soul speaking to soul, and not commerce state of the world. Yet to grant the request to commerce, or government to govern- is certain, though it may be slow destrucment, that makes Europe so uneasy on her tion to feudalism. Whether Switzerland feudal throne.
has strength enough in her to carry out the In our last, we spoke of this struggling effort she has commenced, remains to be spirit in Italy, and of the more hopeful seen, but the agitation itself is an omen aspect it began to assume, from the fact of good. that bayonets and bloody conspiracies were but the most startling news is brought less thought of as means of deliverance, and from Prussia. That entire kingdom is at the literature of the country taken in their this moment agitated in every part of it stead. The censorship of the press may be with the question of a Constitution, and a ever so strict, it cannot keep freedom out National Congress. Public meetings are of letters. We wish to speak further of held in almost every province, and petitions this same spirit, and its progress in some poured into the central governmeni to grant of the other countries of Europe. The agi- these two destructive things to tyranny. tation in Switzerland caused by the unjust At Elbefeld and Dusseldorf, the meetings actions of the Jesuits, promises to result have been crowded, and characterized by
the most intense feeling, yet the greatest in time of war; and asserts, that it should sobriety and moderation. And what is be in time of peace; and asks “ shall the stranger than all, the king dare not apply king and his ministers, take the whole goy. physical force to quell this agitation. The ernment into their own hands. “ Oder soldiers sympathise with the people, and it soll gesetzlich auch der selbstandigen is feared to bring them in open contact, Burgern, wahrhafte Einsicht und Theil. lest there should be plainer demonstrations nahme Zustehen?” “or shall they careof that sympathy. This is a perilous posi- fully permit, also, to the independent citition for the government; unable to check zens, a proper and discriminate share in the progress of the excitement by moral it?" To prove that the Prussians, as well means it is afraid to use the physical force as the inhabitants of France or England, that seems at its disposal. The origin of are worthy of this confidence from their this, or perhaps it might be said the first King, as well entitled to it by right, he reapparent step in this movement, seems to fers to the high state of literature and the have been a mere pamphlet written by a arts in the nation, and declares that PrusMr. Jacoby, a lawyer. He published a sia with her seven Universities, and 20,085 small book of forty or fifty pages, entitled Schools, (Schulen,) will stand comparison “ FIER FRAGEN” (or “ Four Questions") with either or both of those countries. answered by a Prussian.” It was published “But” he continues, " what part in the anonymously, but the author was discove, government has this people, standing so ered and sentenced to two years imprison- high in intelligence and culture. “Erro. ment for his boldness. These four ques. thend mussen wie gestehen, kaum den tions are very simple and plain:
allegeringsten,” “ blushing with shame, “ What did the people wish ?”
we must confess scarcely none at all.” “ What had they a right to expect?”
He then states in what way the people “ What answer was given to them?" can participate in the government: "by the “ What remains for them to do?"
press and through a national Congress.” “ Let every Prussian read and prove our But alas, “ censorship of the press, and the answer:"
mere appearance of a legislation, govern These questions refer to the time when everything in Prussia.” King William the father of the present King of Prussia III., does him good service here, by the promised a national representation to the good principles he was accustomed to utter, people, but never gave it. In 1815, when but never put in practice. He makes hiin Bonaparte had infused a new spirit into substantiate everything he brings forward. every nation on the Continent, this He declares that to a Congress alone ought boon was asked, and the consent of the to be referred those questions that are now government obtained. But the provincial left to censors, ministers, etc. He then legislatures, or rather legislative com- lashes the mere mockery of provisional mittees, allowed in every province to legis. legislatures, which the government gave late for their own welfare, were considered in place of a national Congress. a good substitute, and the national repre. In answer to the second question. sentation fell through. But every act of “Was berechtigle die Stande zu solchen these provincial legislatures, or rather com- Verlange ?” he says they had a right to ex. mittees, being subject to the veto of the pect a Congress. “It has often been de. king, their only effect was to save him the clared," he continues, “that, Prussians Ees. trouble of appointing men to superintend timmung sei die Fruchte der franzosismere local matters. His unlimited veto chen Revolution auf friedlichem, Wege power checked all freedom of action, or at sich anzueignen,” “in a peaceable way least all the results that might spring from Prussia might appropriate to herself the it. These questions refer to that promise. fruits of the French Revolution.” A bold The direct, clear, and succinct manner in speech, followed by the still bolder one which everything is stated gives the book that, “ according to the old German declaits great value ; while, instead of proposing ration of rights, there can be no law withany revolutionary measures, it simply dis- out the consent of the people's representacusses a past promise; the expectations it tives.” In proof that the people had a raised and the manner they were treated. right to expect a national Congress, to meet In answer to the first question, “what did at Berlin, he gives the decree of King Wil. the people wish !” he gives the simple and liam, in 1815, sanctioning it, and describshort answer, “the just part of independent ing its nature, powers, &c. This ordicitizens in the affairs of the state."
nance is quoted, and commences, In discussing the subject, he takes for his Sec. 1. Es soll eine Representation des motto, Facta Loquuntur. “Let facts Volkes gebildet werden." speak.” After referring to the promise Sec. 2. Zu diesem Zwecke sind die promade on the 22d of May, 1815, he starts vinzialstande," &c. with the bold declaration, that in every Here it is, “ there shall be a representacountry, despotic as well as all others, the tion of the people," and the provincial peoplebe ar a portion of the public burdens; committees are created to secure this end. and hints plainly, that this is acknowledged But thirty years have passed away without these provincial nonenities effecting any- difference to it, and that the present king thing. If anything can prove that the is bound, not merely by the principles of people had a right to expect this National common justice, but by the highest law of Congress, this does; for, to use his own lan- the land, the edict of his father, to grant guage, “this is not a mere promise given immediately a National Congress, and a to us but it is the King's own decree, which Constitution. is–LAW.” After nailing his argument. The answer to the fourth question is here, and declaring that it was not only like a cannon shot. “What remains to be right and just to demand, and expect, a na- done ?" The only reply to this is, “ to detional representation, he adds “it is a duty mand as a right that which has heretofore we owe both to the King and the father- been asked as a boon." This question, and land."
this short answer constitute a whole chapThe third question : “ what answer was ter, and concludes the argument and the given to this expectation?” is met as volume. No one can appreciate its effect briefly and frankly as the others. “ A re- who has not read the entire book. After cognition of your good behaviour, a refusal his array of facts and exposure of the of the decreed national representation, and treachery of the government, and appeal to a vague, indefinite hint of some future com- the common sense and spirit of the people, pensation." He then goes on, contrasting this bold advice with which he sums up the in a searching manner what the people whole, has a power to startle that can not really received, with what the published be resisted. T'ne king and his ministers felt decree of King William openly promised, it, and tried and condemned Jacoby. But and he makes it out clear as noon day, by he published the trial, and showed that facts and not by theories, that the present the injustice which had been practised upon king is an open law breaker, in that he has the people had also been meted out to him. not carried out the ordinance of his father. This condemnation only increased the diffiHe has robbed the people of what they had culty and the excitement, and the people are a right to expect, not only as a matter of now following out his advice, and demandjustice but on the faith in the royal decree. ing as a right what they heretofore besought The mere provincial committees, which as a favor." This cry for a Constitution, is were said to be designed as the first steps the most fearful sound that can sinite the towards a Congress, are shown so con- ears of a despot, for the fate of Louis XVI. clusively to be the merest mockery on the begins to swim before his eyes as he hears part of the government-simply, a bandage it. The long struggle of that ill-fated monover the people's eyes-an apology for the arch, with the national representation reviolation of a kingly edict that the govern- specting the nature of the constitution, the ment appears in a most miserable light to power which rapidly passed into the hands the nation. Its falsehood, and deceit, and of the people during the discussion, and the trickery; the low arts it has practised on final sinking of the throne in a sea of blood, the nation to cheat them into quietness, come in terrible distinctness to his rememare exposed so clearly, that the most ignor- brance. “A Constitution!” shouted France, ant can see them. His words are like and a Constitution she had, though her blows, and every sentence is a text, from representatives legislated in the midst of which a whole discourse will be thought famine, popular outbreaks, and open masout by every Prussian reader. His earnest sacres. A Constitution !" is now the extone and sincere language and clear per. clamation of Prussia, and we do not well ceptions give to his statements immense see how the government can refuse it. In power, and we do not wonder that they France, the great difficulty with the higher fell like live coals on the nation's heart. orders was, they could not command the Indeed one of the charges in his trial de cordial co-operation of the soldiers. This claring him to be worthy of persecution, too is the great difficulty in Prussia; the was, that his language was too clear and sympathies of the common soldiers are with plain, and his style too attractive to the the people. If the king of Prussia, cannot common people. He goes also into the ju- or dare not prevent public opinion from dicial administration and shows how likely becoming consolidated and strengthened injustice is to be done; nay, how inevitable through public meetings and organized it is in the present mode of action. “All bodies, he cannot prevent a Constitution men,” says he, “can err-the king as well and a National Congress. The power to as the philosopher-and both perhaps are repress these dangerous energies of the more apt to be wrong in common things, people, must start sooner or not at all; and because they stand so high above the we should like to see the effect on Austria, crowd of objects that sweep past them, that of a Prussian Congress, sitting at Berlin, they cannot discern clearly, or mete out and discussing a “declaration of rights." justly. Not by mere forms of justice is Let the “tiers etat,” of Prussia have a justice secured.” He closes up his argu. National Assembly, and they will meddle ment by a rapid re-survey of its scope, and with more things than the king wots of. declares that the edict of King William We have something in these aspects to stands good, even after the thirty years in- say, in our next, of France and Germany,
servative minds of the country, far more numerous, and more powerful, have had no organ of the kind through which to utter their sentiments, and spread a healthier influence through the community.
Besides these considerations, it is evident to all that our literature demands place on a higher basis than hitherto it has occupied, and the character of the nation a more honorable defence against foreign malignity and arrogance. It is time we should free ourselves from literary dependence and the flood of trash inundating the country, and repel the hostility of Europe with the dignity that belongs to a great and prosperous people.
It is thought expedient, therefore, to establish a' Magazine or Review, which, discarding all sectional and sectarian influence, shall aim to defend the great and true interests of the Republic; to harmonize, in a kindlier acquaintanceship, the different sections of the country; to set forth more clearly the inexhaustible resources of our territory; to elevate the morals of the people; to withstand pusillanimity at home and indignities abroad; to promote American science, and 'diffuse throughout the land a higher order of taste in letters and the arts. Above all, it is, under God, the design of this Review to put down and demolish, by whatever weapons of reason or ridicule, the specious theories and doctrines assiduously sown among the people by Jacobin demagogues, and unprincipled, or visionary, organs of the press- holding forth in their place the only safe principles liberty under law, progress without destroying, protection to every thing established worthy of national honor.
This periodical will be published monthly in the city of New York, to be called " The American Review-a Whig Journal of Politics, Literature, Art and Science."
The price of the Magazine will be Five DOLLARS & year; to be paid on receiving the first number. Single numbers fifty cents.
Each number, containing about a hundred and twelve pages, printed in double columns, on fine paper, will consist of a leading political article, with a variety of literary miscellany, in history, biography, criticism, fiction, poetry, statistics, science and the arts.
Every third or fourth number will also present a likeness of some distinguished man of the Republic, executed in the highest style of the art, together with an earnest and truthful biography, which may stand as a part of the history of the nation.
In addition to the Congressional names above, a number of writers, both political and literary, from all sections, and acknowledged to be among the ablese in the community, have been secured as permanent contributors; and it is confidently believed that this periodical will be inferior to no other at any time issued in this country.
The conduct of the Review will be under the control of George H. Colton, associated, however, especially in the political department, with other gentlemen of known standing and attainments.
That no person may hesitate in the matter of subscription, assurance is given that the permanent a pocarance of this Review will be put beyond contingency.
IF It is earnestly requested of every one willing to be interested in this design, especially Whigs, to obtain as many subscribers as possible, transmitting them with their places of residence, to the Editor in New York, through the postmaster. If each would only procure, or be the means of procuring, one subscriber-and many could easily obtain a number-it is seen at once that most important aid would be extended to this Review with little trouble, and some service, we believe, to the great interests of the country.
That this may be entered into the more readily by Committees, Societies, Clubs, &c., the following liberal terms are offered :-Five copies for $20; the amount to be remitted in current New-York funds; or any person becoming responsible for four copies, will receive a fifth gratis.
Persons in the country, remitting the amount of subscription, can receive the work by mail, strongly enveloped, or in any other way arranged by themselves.
One thing is particularly asked of all who wish to aid the work-SUBSCRIBE DIRECT TO THE EDITOR, G, H. Colton, 118 NASSAU-STREET, New-YORK. It will save'an agency discount of 20 or 30 per cent.
By Law, remittances for all periodicals may be made free of expense, by mailing them in the presence of the postmaster. All communications to be addressed, post paid, to the Editor, G. H. Colton, 118 Nassau-street.
The following are some of the testimonials of the Press, given on the appearance of the Feb. ruary Number :
The American Review " is the work which the Whig Party have long needed. It is able, it is judicious, it is dignified. * *Let the Whigs wisely, generously step forward, and place the Review on a basis of security and conscious power. Ten thousand subscribers would do this, and a fourth have already volunteered."- TRIBUNE.
“The second No. of this new Monthly was promptly on our table with the first morning of the month. The Number is a capital one, and much the ablest and most valuable monthly which February has sent us. * * * The work supplies a want which has long been deeply felt.-COCRIER AND ENQUIRER.
“Our friends of the Democratic must nib their pens anew. This month their Whig rivals are clearly masters of the field. Indeed, we have never seen an abler number of any American Magazine, than this second Number of Mr. Colton's Review."--New WORLD.
"The second Number of this excellent Magazine is received, and its Table of Contents is rich indeed. It is conducted with that measure of ability, we think, which must insure its success."-EXPRESS.