government, ought to be bound, by oath, to support the articles of union.

21. Resolved, That the amendments which shall be offered to the Confederation by the Convention ought, at a proper time or times, after the approbation of Congress, to be submitted to an assembly, or assemblies, of representatives, recommended by the several legislatures, to be expressly chosen by the people to consider and decide thereon.

22. Resolved, That the representation in the second branch of the legislature of the United States shall consist of two members from each State, who shall vote per capita.

23. Resolved, That it be an instruction to the committee to whom were referred the proceedings of the Convention for the establishment of a national government, to receive a clause, or clauses, requiring certain qualifications of property and citizenship in the United States, for the executive, the judiciary, and the members of both branches of the legislature of the United States.

August 6. Mr. Rutledge delivered the report of the committee of detail, reporting a constitution at large. [This report was so nearly like the constitution as finally adopted, and as we shall give that at the close of this chapter, it is not thought necessary to occupy space by copying it here]

August 7. The report of the committee of detail being taken up, Mr. Morris moved that that the right of suffrage be restrained to freeholders. A long debate ensued. Col. Mason opposed it as leading to an aristocracy.

Mr. Madison was for leaving this matter to the States. Some States required it, and others did not. His own opinion was that freeholders would be the safest depositaries of liberty. Those without property might become the tools of the rich and ambitious, hence there would be just the same danger as from the property qualification.

Dr. Franklin opposed the views of Mr. Madison. He

thought the restriction wrong in principle, and had no doubt it would create dissatisfaction with the people.

On the question of Mr. Morris, only Delaware voted Aye. Maryland divided.

August 8. Article 4th, section 2d, being under consideration, declaring that a member of the House shall have been a citizen of the United States at least three years before his election.

Mr. Mason was for opening a wide door to emigrants, but thought three years too short. Foreign nations might impose upon us their tools, and get them into the legislature for insidious purposes. He moved seven years, which was agreed to, only Connecticut voting No.

Section 4th, allowing the legislatures to apportion the representatives according to the number of inhabitants, was taken up.

Mr. Morris moved to insert "free inhabitants." He said he would not agree to a constitution that upheld slavery. It was the curse of Heaven. He proceeded at length to demonstrate the evils of the institution.

Mr. Sherman said he did not regard the admission of negroes in the ratio of representation as a great objection. In fact, it was only the freemen of the South who would be represented, because it was only them who paid the taxes. On the question to insert "free inhabitants," it was lost, only New Jersey voting Aye.

August 9. From this date to the 18th, the Convention was occupied in discussing questions of naturalization, revenue, &c.

August 18. Mr. Madison submitted to be referred to the committee of detail the following propositions, to be incorporated in the powers of Congress :

"To dispose of the unappropriated lands of the United States.

"To institute temporary governments for new States arising therein.

"To regulate affairs with the Indians, &c."

Mr. Pinckney also submitted several propositions, relating to the seat of government, public debt, post-offices, &c. From this till the 22d, nothing important by way of discussion transpired.

August 22. Article 7, section 4, was resumed.

Mr. Sherman was for leaving the clause as it stands. He disapproved of the slave trade; yet, as the States were now possessed of the right to import slaves, as the public good did not require it to be taken from them, and as it was expedient to have as few objections as possible to the proposed scheme of government, he thought it best to leave the matter as we find it. He observed that the abolition of slavery seemed to be going on in the United States, and that the good sense of the several States would probably, by degrees, complete it. He urged on the Convention the necessity of dispatching its business.

Col. Mason. This infernal traffic originated in the avarice of British merchants. The British government constantly checked the attempts of Virginia to put a stop to it. The present question concerns not the importing States alone, but the whole Union. The evil of having slaves was experienced during the late war. Had slaves been treated as they might have been by the enemy, they would have proved dangerous instruments in their hands. But their folly dealt by the slaves as it did by the tories. He mentioned the dangerous insurrections of slaves in Greece and Sicily; and the instructions given by Cromwell, to the commissioners sent to Virginia, to arm the servants and slaves in case other means of obtaining its submission might fail. Maryland and Virginia, he said, had already prohibited the importation of slaves expressly; North Carolina had done the same in substance. All this would be vain, if South

Carolina and Georgia be at liberty to import. The western people are already calling out for slaves for their new lands, and will fill that country with slaves, if they can be got through South Carolina and Georgia. Slavery discourages arts and manufactures. The poor despise labor when performed by slaves. They prevent the emigration of whites, who really enrich and strengthen a country. They produce the most pernicious effect on manners. Every master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. They bring the judgment of HEAVEN on a country. As nations cannot be rewarded or punished in the next world, they must be in this. By an inevitable chain of causes and effects, Providence punishes national sins by national calamities. He lamented that some of our Eastern brethren had, from a lust of gain, embarked in this nefarious traffic. As to the States being in possession of the right to import, this was the case with many other rights, now to be properly given up. He held it essential, in every point of view, that the general government should have power to prevent the increase of slavery.

Mr. Ellsworth, as he had never owned a slave, could not judge of the effects of slavery on character. He said, however, that if it was to be considered in a moral light, we ought to go further, and free those already in the country. As slaves also multiply so fast in Virginia and Maryland, that it is cheaper to raise than import them, whilst in the sickly rice-swamps foreign supplies are necessary, if we go no further than is urged, we shall be unjust toward South Carolina and Georgia. Let us not intermeddle. As population increases, poor laborers will be so plenty as to render slaves useless. Slavery, in time, will not be a speck in our country. Provision is already made in Connecticut for abolishing it. And the abolition has already taken place in Massachusetts. As to the danger of insurrections from foreign influence, that will become a motive to kind treatment of the slaves.

Mr. Pinckney. If slavery be wrong, it is justified by the example of all the world. He cited the case of Greece, Rome, and other ancient states; the sanction given by France, England, Holland, and other modern states. In all ages, one-half of mankind have been slaves. If the Southern States were let alone, they will probably of themselves stop importations. He would himself, as a citizen of South Carolina, vote for it. An attempt to take away the right, as proposed, will produce serious objections to the constitution which he wished to see adopted.

Gen. Pinckney declared it to be his firm opinion, that if himself and all his colleagues were to sign the constitution, and use their personal influence, it would be of no avail towards obtaining the assent of their constituents. South Carolina and Georgia cannot do without slaves. As to Virginia, she will gain by stopping the importations. Her slaves will rise in value, and she has more than she wants. It would be unequal to require South Carolina and Georgia to confederate on such unequal terms. He said the royal assent, before the Revolution, had never been refused to South Carolina and Virginia. He contended that the importation of slaves would be for the interest of the whole Union. The more slaves, the more produce to employ the carrying trade; the more consumption also; and the more of this, the more revenue for the common treasury. He admitted it to be reasonable that slaves should be treated like other imports, but should consider a rejection of the clause as an exclusion of South Carolina from the Union.

Mr. Baldwin had conceived national objects alone to be before the Convention, not such as, like the present, were of a local nature. Georgia was decided on this point. That State bas always hitherto supposed a general government to be the pursuit of the central States, who wished to have a vortex for every thing; that her distance would preclude