and do not rashly disturb the balance of this harmonious political system. If you do, the blood will be upon your own heads. I have unshaken confidence in the providence of God, that he will, in his goodness, provide the ways and means of deliverance from this great evil, and that he will do it without violence or compulsion. But we are to choose the time, and effect in a day what cannot be accomplished in years, without a miracle; and this is to be done without respect to either the sentiments or rights of our neighbors. Instead of satisfying ourselves with the happy condition in which a kind Providence has placed us, we are to aspire, like our first parents in Eden, to become as gods; and, for the sake of giving law to others, independent as ourselves, we are to set the whole nation in a state of commotion. Beware, lest, like them, you should experience a sad reverse, and entail the curse upon posterity. We are to become constitution-makers, and give both the text and commentary. I was taught to believe in the doctrine of the Revolutionary patriots, vox populi vox Dei, but now the maxim is too antiquated to be regarded. I have been a disciple of the old school, which taught us to believe that all power belonged to the people; and have ever admired the beautiful fabric of this Western empire, because it was calculated to secure the exercise of this power to each State, while it delegated to the federal government a sufficient portion, to provide for the common safety, and secure the harmony of its several parts; but this harmony is now to be disturbed; this magna charta of our rights is to be broken; this fair fabric is to be shaken, to gratify the lust of power; and Congress, deriving all its authority from the States, is to prescribe to the States the limits of their constitutional prerogative. I would not impeach the political sagacity of this body; but such is my confidence in the virtue and talents of the community, that, in my opinion, every ten miles square in the United States is as competent

as the whole collected wisdom of the nation to frame a constitution. Competent or not, the people of Missouri have the right, and they must exercise it without any restriction which is not common to all the States. If you begin to prescribe restrictions, you may pursue the course without limitation or control. You may prescribe the qualifications of electors and candidates; the powers and organization of every branch of their government, till self-government is lost, and their liberty is but an empty name. The doctrine, sir, is alarming. But one security from its baleful influence is in the independence of the people. They will not submit. It is not the question whether the thing required is right or wrong in itself, but whether you have the right to impose it. The principle of taxation, or the amount levied, had no influence in bringing on the American Revolution; but the right of Parliament, in which the colonies had no representation, to impose the tax. They persisted, and a bloody war ensued; and the decision was in favor of that side where justice was.

I exhort to moderation and justice. Look at the starving poor in England. Hear the clanking chains of despotism. throughout Europe, Asia, and Africa. The cries of oppression are heard in every region, and the cause of injured humanity rends every American bosom. But will our commiseration justify our interference? Shall we become a nation of knight-errants, and involve the country in war with all the rest of the world to establish free government in other quarters of the globe? We may pity other nations, but we have no right to intermeddle with their policies; and to attempt it would be the extreme of madness. Still more cautious should we be about intermeddling with the right of property and self-government in Missouri. In so doing, you will jeopardize the harmony of the Union, which may possibly ultimate in a civil war. Recollect, Greece was destroyed by division, and Rome by consolida

tion. Then let us be content with our inheritance, and profit by their example; lest, in our zeal to perform what we cannot accomplish, we one day become what Greece and Rome now are.

I will readily admit, sir, that the non-slaveholding States are composed of brave and virtuous citizens, but merit does not exclusively attach to them. We will not shrink from the comparison, whether we look at periods or principlesthe Revolution, the late war; internal policy, republican principles, moral character, or religious practice. The authors of this discussion are welcome to all the advantages they can derive from the comparison. There is no essential difference of character among all the different sections of this community. A general coincidence of sentiment strengthens their mutual attachments, which I trust the demon of discord will never be able to dissolve. Yes, sir, the Union is founded in the affections of the people, cemented by the blood of our fathers, endeared by common suffering, and secured by common interest. Future generations, remembering that their fathers mingled their blood in one common cause, and their ashes in one common urn, will still feel like brothers, when ambition shall have wasted its efforts; and the blessings of the confederacy shall bo long enjoyed after oblivion shall have drawn a vail over the disturbers of its peace. The history of other nations is before us, and they should be marked as beacons of warning. Remember the unhappy record of the ten tribes of Israel, and the miserable consequences, whenever you contemplate the effects of local jealousies. Before we are aware, we are too apt to excite our own passions as well as others, and rush precipitately into measures which will leave us to regret our folly when it shall be too late to retract.

But another cause of complaint is recently brought to light. In the ratio of representation and direct taxation,

three-fifths of the slaves are enumerated. The Constitution was framed by patriots of the Revolution; and the principles of that event were too deeply engraven upon their minds to suffer them to separate the ratio of representation from that of taxation; and, by mutual compromise, the ratio was settled by all the States as we now have it. But, it the organization of this branch of the legislature, there is a total departure from this rule. Upon what principle does the little State of Delaware send two members to this body, and the great State of New York send no more ? This also was settled upon a principle of compromise. It is, that State sovereignties may be here represented, and, in the confederacy the States, are all equal. The federal character is here preserved; and, in the other House, the representative character. In one house every State is equal, in the other every individual; and none would wish it otherwise.

In what way, I would ask, is the just principle of representation violated, by taking three-fifths of the slaves into the calculation? The answer is given, because slaves have no political rights. And what political rights have the female and the minor? And how many free persons of full age are excluded from the exercise of the elective franchise in the different States? Yet all are taken into the enumeration as the basis for representation. Why? Because they are also taken into the enumeration for taxation; so are three-fifths of the slaves taken into the enumeration as the basis for taxation, and of course for representation. In the one case no complaint is made, but in the other injustice is urged. Every argument, true or false, must be brought to bear upon the subject; which, in the end, will effect nothing, and is, in fact, worse than nothing.

There is another article of the Constitution, which is thought to have some relation to this intended restriction. "Congress shall guarantee to each State a republican form

of government;" and here we have a controlling powe. Suppose, then, you erect your standard of republicanism, and revise the constitutions of the different States. Virginia requires a freehold qualification in the voter. Dictate to her better principles. Most of the other States require some property qualifications. Change their constitutions, and proclaim annual elections and universal suffrage, such as we have in Kentucky, where every person is equal; and the beggar (if such a being can be found there) has as good a vote as the man of wealth. Attempt these things, and you will have enough to do; but you may accomplish it as easily, and upon as fair Constitutional ground, as the restriction upon Missouri. The fact is, we shall be better employed in confining ourselves to the great objects of the confederacy, and leave every State to manage its own

concerns.

Philosophers have said much upon the theory of colors, and especially upon the variety of complexion in the human species. It is contended by some that the black man, the red man, and the white man, originally sprang from different ancestors; by others that all sprang from one common stock; and the last theory is supported by revelation. It is further believed, that the difference of color, from the slightest shade to the deepest black, is owing principally to climate, and the different degrees of heat to which they have been for many ages exposed. To whatever cause it may be owing, the difference does now exist; and it is as well known that a universal prejudice also exists as to the color of the African, which in a great measure deprives him of the blessings of freedom when emancipated. Till this prejudice is eradicated, or till the Ethiopian shall change his skin, his freedom is nominal in every part of the United States. If not, where is the black man of the north? Like the red man, he is nearly extinct. If your humanity has conquered your prejudice, till you know no color, where are your