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deadly bombs sent through the mail, men who have been prominently identified with trying Anarchists or who are assumed to be anti-radical or capitalistic in their sympathies, also suggests the need of new legislation; for it is stated that bomb manufacture is more prevalent in America than elsewhere simply because our laws are lax as to the manufacture and sale of explosives. Only the quick intelligence of a post-office employee prevented a series of horrible murders, and while clues seemed at first to be abundant, the scoundrel who planned the crime remains, as we write, undetected. Whether the criminal was an anarchistic agitator or not, he certainly was moved by hatred against the exponents of law and order. The theory of the Reds that the crime was a "frame-up" by their enemies is baseless and silly.

STREET RAILWAY FARES

Various cities throughout the country have been struggling with the question of street railway fares. The companies operating such railways have claimed that the standard fare of five cents is not sufficient to pay the wages and other costs of operation and maintenance, and bonded interest, to say nothing of dividends. In more than one instance the fares have been increased fifty per cent with the consent of municipal or other officials.

In The Outlook of April 30 Mr. Theodore H. Price published an article with a chart entitled "The Index Number Wage," which showed at a glance how the price of foodstuffs and other necessary commodities has risen during the last twenty years. At that time we said: "It is perfectly clear that the wages of employees must go up with the cost of living. It is equally a mathematical deduction that railway rates must go up also to meet this necessary rise in wages cr else the railways will be bankrupt." This mathematical deduction is just as applicable to the street railways as it is to the steam railways. Either the street railways must be taken over by the various municipalities in which they run and must be operated as public utilities, the taxpayer bearing the deficits; or, if private management is desired, the private owners must receive sufficient return to warrant them in maintaining proper service.

There are a good many reasons for thinking that the public sentiment in this country favors private operation under some kind of fair governmental regulation of its steam railways. The same, we think, is true in most communities at present of street railways. The question is, What is fair regulation?

We have received a communication from a reader of The Outlook who for some years has had active experience in

the organization and reorganization of street railway companies, in which he endeavors briefly to outline a plan of municipal regulation of street railways. From that communication we quote the following passage:

If the street railway is to be looked upon as a servant of the people, and that is what it must be, then in order to be an efficient servant it must be operated and run by trained men who must look to the excellence of their work for a continuance of their jobs, and the road must earn enough to pay interest on what it is worth as a going concern, pay its wages, and maintain its property. This means a business, not a political, organization.

Hostility between the street railway and the city served must cease in the interest of both.

This can be brought about by valuing the roads of to-day as going concernsthe city and the road in question each to name one firm of engineers, and these two to select a third, the city to pass such ordinances as will permit seven per cent to be earned upon the agreed upon valuation and on the new property added from time to time, through the imposition of such fares as will raise the necessary revenue; and in consideration of such action on the city's part to protect the property at its just value, any excess earnings to be divided between the corporation and the city, the city at its annual election to elect two directors, one an engineer and the other a certified accountant, to represent it on the Railway Board.

With the city then in partnership with the street railway, its records and accounts open at all times to the city through its accredited representative on the Board, the many fruitful grounds for misunderstanding will be abolished. The election of men for this specific purpose will prevent a shifting of responsibility from one city father to another, and men so elected can be held to a strict accountability. Both the railway officials and the city's officials will be only too anxious to stand well with the public, and the Public Service Commission will still exist as an umpire.

This kind of partnership between the city authorities and street railway experts is well worth consideration, and we commend it to those who are struggling with these problems.

DEMOCRATIC

FACTORY MANAGEMENT

Many years ago The Outlook published a series of articles under the general title of "Industrial Democracy." It is our impression that the term "industrial democracy" was framed and first used in these columns. At all events, we employed it to express our belief that in the slow but steady process of social rev olution in which man first struggled for and established religious democracy, then political democracy, then educational democracy, he is now seeking perfectly logically to obtain democracy in industry. We have defined industrial democracy

as that system in which the hand-worker or employee shall have a voice in the management of the business and a participation in the profits. It is our conviction that only in this way can an efficient partnership between so-called labor and so-called capital be established. For laborers and capitalists are not enemies nor are their interests conflicting. They are really partners.

There have recently come to our attention three or four interesting instances in which there has been an earnest attempt made by corporations to give their workers a share in the profits and a representation in the management. This is due, we think, to the changes produced by the war in the economic theories of the world. We have asked Mr. Theodore H. Price, a valued contributor to The Outlook on economic and industrial problems, to give us an article on this subject. In preparing it he desires the co-operation of our readers and asks us to print the following letter, which we gladly do:

May 1, 1919.
To the Readers of The Outlook:

At the suggestion of the editors of The Outlook, I am planning to write an article upon "Profit Sharing and Democratic Factory Management." In this article I shall endeavor to include a comparative digest of the various profit-sharing plans that have been introduced in the conduct of many American industrial and commercial establishments.

That this digest may be inclusive and intelligent, I am taking this method of requesting that all those to whose eye this letter may come should send me in detail or in outline a description of any profit-sharing plan of which they may have knowledge as in actual operation.

I shall also appreciate any suggestions drawn from the experience or observation of my correspondents that will be helpful.

My address is 15 Wall Street, New York, N. Y. THEODORE H. PRICE.

AMERICAN SOLDIERS AND
FRENCH UNIVERSITIES

It has long been a dream of the writer of this paragraph―probably never to be realized, alas-that it would be delightful to spend a winter in the old French university town of Montpellier. Montpellier lies practically on the Mediterranean near Marseilles, and is the seat of one of the oldest and perhaps it may also be said one of the most oldfashioned universities in France. It has a special place in academic history because one of the great classical scholars of the Renaissance period, Isaac Casaubon, lectured there.

What could be more pleasant for an American who hates the cold and who loves the sunshine of the Mediterranean than to spend a winter at Montpellier, straightening out and polishing up his

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French by taking a course of lectures, extra curriculum, on, let us say, the life and work of Casaubon himself, provided some member of the faculty could be persuaded to give such a course of lectures.

All these reflections are prompted by some facts which have just been furnished to us through the courtesy of Mr. Marcel Knecht, of the Official Bureau of French Information in New York City, regarding the registration of American soldiers of the A. E. F. in French universities. Mr. André Tardieu, formerly French High Commissioner to the United States, devised a plan last autumn by which these soldiers, most of them college men whom the war seized from their studies, have been distributed among the French universities. The purpose of the plan is to give American soldiers an opportunity to spend time that is not needed for military duties in taking special courses in continuation of their academic careers. The amazing number of 5,800 soldiers have been availing themselves of this opportunity. Fourteen universities in various towns throughout the French Republic are participating in the plan. Seventeen hundred American soldiers are registered, for example, at the Sorbonne in Paris, and eleven hundred are registered, or were on the last of March, at the University of Toulouse in southern France. The next largest number, five hundred and fifty, were at Montpellier. The balance of these American students were distributed at the Universities of Rennes, Caen, Nancy, Poitiers, Dijon, Besançon, Grenoble, AixMarseille, Bordeaux, Clermont-Ferrand, and Lyon. American professors who are doing special war service in France have been taken into the work and are acting in the capacity of what might perhaps be called university liaison officers. There could be no better scheme devised to develop and maintain the relations of understanding and friendship between the two Republics.

England is also opening her universities to American soldier students. An early issue of The Outlook will contain an article by Dr. Shipley, of Christ's College, Cambridge, giving some impressions of the American Army men now studying at this ancient and beautiful British seat of learning.

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by certain extracts from the speech of the Chairman of the gathering, Dr. S. Earl Taylor. It was in that speech that he used the words which we quote as the characterization of the movement. He cited the remarks of General Byng, the famous commander of the Canadians at Vimy and of the British Third Army at Cambrai, when he said to Bishop McConnell: "I trust that you will go back to your own country and go to people, and in every way that you can urge upon them that in the days, the terrible days ahead of us, the days after the war, the Church shall fail not." And Dr. Taylor asked, "What has made democracy safe in America?" And he answered, "The Christian home, the open Bible, the free church. In a word, the foundations of intelligence and morality laid deep by our Pilgrim and Puritan forefathers."

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And he went on to show by words and by pictures on the screen that invariably at the bottom of every peril that is threatening the world to-day is the lack of that foundation of morality, and to show also that the places of stability, of contentment, of peace, and of strength are places and of strength are places where moral principle and education, and, underneath all, religious faith, prevail. And he put before his audience facts showing that investments in schools and churches are really investments in security. "Beyond all question the Church of Christ is incomparably the most powerful organization that we know anything erful organization that we know anything about in the world. And yet a fair study of its latent resources and unused power would probably compel us to conclude that of all the great organizations in the world the Church is developed to the smallest percentage of its capacity." He declared that interest charges on the cost of the World War at four per cent for one hour exceeded the total gifts from America for foreign missions for the year

1918.

The Interchurch World Movement is an attempt to bring the Protestant Churches, that is, the twenty-five million people who make up the Protestant Churches of America, into action somewhat more in proportion than at present to their power and resources. It is an effort to enable America, the only Western Nation that has not sacrificed virtually a whole generation of its youth in war, to see that the democracy which the war has saved is itself saved from becoming merely materialistic or destructive or anarchic by being made a moral, a religious, a Christian democracy.

To this end, the Conference at Cleveland assembled nearly five hundred delegates, representing twenty-eight denominations. Most of these delegates were officers or members of various missionary boards, a number of them were college presidents and professors, others repre

sented interdenominational organizations, and others were editors and clergymen. It was decided to make surveys to show what is being done and what is not being done in home and foreign missions, education, religious training, and social service. When the surveys are ready, then a co-operative community and world programme will be outlined and put into operation. The purpose is to have in all communities joint "drives" like those for the Liberty Loans or the Red Cross, but in this case for the common use of the Protestant churches. The first purpose is to increase the constituency of the churches-to double it. It is somewhat staggering, certainly it is a bold conception, but its boldness has won to the movement many of the strongest leaders.

There was a frank facing of the fact that in all this the Churches would have to place themselves in accord with the spirit of democracy, and especially in contact with industrial questions and with the life of people who work with their hands. A keen edge to the discussion of this aspect of the problem before the Churches was given by the fact that on Thursday, in front of the hotel occupied by the Convention, there was a Socialist demonstration and rioting. It is true that the participants in the riot were overwhelmingly foreign-born; but the red flags and the disorder and the injuries constituted a picture of what the Church has to face in the world to-day.

The official leaders of the Interchurch Movement, chosen by the general committee at this session, are: Chairman, F. W. Ayer, of New York, leader of the Baptist Layman's Movement; vice-chairman, Fred B. Smith, of New York, widely known as a Y. M. C. A. leader, and promoter of the Men and Religion Movement; recording secretary, W. B. Millar, New York, secretary Layman's Missionary Movement; executive secretary, S. Earl Taylor, New York, secretary Methodist Episcopal Board of Foreign Missions; treasurer, George M. Fowles, New York; and John R. Mott, of New York, chairman of the executive committee. These officials, with the co-operation of "key men in the various interested denominations, will develop the plans to be perfected at a great gathering which is to be held next fall.

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THE RED CROSS OF THE
FUTURE

The large extension of the field of Red Cross activities, already proposed and to some extent put in operation in this country by the American Red Cross, is to be taken up on a world-wide scale and purpose by a Red Cross Congress to convene at Geneva thirty days after peace has been declared. This International

Congress at Geneva will be the most momentous meeting in the history of the Red Cross movement. Already a preliminary meeting of experts on such subjects as child welfare, tuberculosis, hygiene, and all the large aspects of public health, has been in session at Cannes, with a view to prepare for the Geneva conference an extended programme of desirable new Red Cross activities in the interests of humanity.

The resolution adopted by these distinguished physicians and scientists of England, France, Japan, Italy, and the United States defines the purpose of the movement to be "to spread the light of science and the warmth of human sympathy into every corner of the world."

Heretofore the field of the Red Cross has been to alleviate the suffering caused by war or by some terrible calamity. But the efficiency of the association and the liberality with which the people answer its calls for support have made it evident that it has a wider mission than this. Hereafter, as the resolution adopted at the Cannes meeting declared, "while every measure should be taken to repair the ravages of war and to prevent all wars, it is no less important that the world should address itself to the prevention and amelioration of those ever-present tragedies of unnecessary sickness and death which occur in the homes of all peoples."

There can be no doubt that this movement will have the support of the peoples of the world in creating a vast organization, thoroughly equipped, to promote human betterment in a systematic and co-ordinated manner. The particular purposes laid down by the experts at the Cannes conference are the development of sound measures for public health and sanitation, the welfare of children and mothers, the education and training of nurses, the control of tuberculosis, venereal diseases, malaria, and other infectious and preventable diseases.

The call issued by the International Committee of the Red Cross Societies of the world rightly declares that the new programme is exactly in keeping with the high ideals which led to the formation of the Red Cross half a century ago. It is certainly true, to quote the words of the Committee, that if it was possible half a century ago to bring nations to an understanding, not to abolish war, but to alleviate in some measure the suffering which follows in its wake, surely such an understanding would be more beneficent, even more glorious, when it leads the nations to work in concert under the impulse of mutual confidence and common charity to remedy certain ills which are. visited upon the human society, or to bring aid to one of the nations stricken by sudden catastrophe."

FOR WORKING GIRLS

Twenty-eight years ago The Outlook first called the attention of its readers to the value and quality of the help rendered sick and tired girls by the Working Girls' Vacation Society of New York. Our readers responded then with liberality. From time to time since similar appeals have shown that the cause was remembered. Now a special condition encourages the hope that the pleasant co-operation of the past may be renewed.

In common with other philanthropies, the Working Girls' Vacation Society has felt seriously the financial conditions caused by the war. It is now facing a serious problem.

In addition to its regular vacation work at their houses in New York, Connecticut, and New Jersey, the Society has for twenty-five years conducted two houses at Santa Clara, in the Adirondacks, for the care of working girls who have tuberculosis in the incipient and curable state. These houses are. necessarily run at special expense, as the girls must have the most nourishing food and live under the best conditions in order live under the best conditions in order that they may be sufficiently benefited to return to their work at the end of the period of rest and recreation. As the nearest physician lives ten miles from the little hamlet of Santa Clara, it is necessary to have a resident doctor in case of a sudden illness. The house is not called a hospital or a sanitarium, but is simply a Vacation House where girls are sufficiently renewed in health to be able to continue work on their return to the city. In instances the girls must remany turn to Santa Clara for a number of summers before the tendency to consumption is entirely conquered. It often happens that the girls who go to the examining physician in New York have no idea that they are threatened with tuberculosis. They are languid and ill, and when they are told the nature of their trouble they are naturally frightened at first, but later are very grateful that the

disease has been taken in time.

The two houses in the Adirondacks Uplands and Hillcrest-were given to the Society by Mr. George E. Dodge. They are very perfectly equipped for the work and accommodate fifty-seven girls at a time. Now, because of the increased cost of everything-food, transportation, wages-as well as a decrease in income because of the demands made by the war, the Society will be obliged to close one of these two houses this coming summer unless it can raise the $4,000 necessary for its support.

We ask those to whom this intensive effort to make working girls well and strong and give them a healthful and happy vacation appeals to write to the

Secretary, Mrs. William Herbert (United Charities Building, New York), for the extremely interesting thirty-third annual report of the Working Girls' Vacation Society or to send contributions directly to the same address.

A SOUTHERN PHILANTHROPIST
ON THE RACE QUESTION

We have received a pamphlet read at a meeting last March in Boston by Mr. Bolton Smith, of Memphis, Tennessee, which we wish might have a wide circulation. Coming from a man born in the North but long resident in the South, who is in sympathy with the intelligent Southern view of the race question, it presents by the principles it inculcates and the spirit it manifests a basis for a real agreement in both thought and feeling between the North and the South. The Northern and Southern positions are not antagonistic; they are not necessarily divergent. There is no incongruity between the Northern demand for justice to the Negro and the Southern demand for the preservation of the purity of the white race. We agree with Mr. Smith in his statement: "I believe these are the two sides of one and the same shield-the blood of the race must be kept pure, but so must its ideals-the former without the latter is like the body without the soul."

He urges that the children of the Negro and the white races be educated in separate schools, but he also urges that the schools be as good for the one race as for the other. He cites as an illustration the public schools in Cincinnati. There is no separate school law in Ohio, and Negro children have the right to attend the public schools attended by white children. "There is, however, a school in a densely colored portion of Cincinnati which I am informed is attended by Negro children only. It is stated that the average marks of these colored children for scholarship are higher than those earned by the colored children attending the schools also attended by white children. Besides, it is found that a larger proportion remain in school through the higher classes than is the case with the other colored children." The secret of this fact may, however, well be that "the school to which I refer in Cincinnati has just as much money spent on it as the other schools of the city."

He denies that the education of the Negro race will have any tendency to develop in that race a desire for social equality with the whites. The fact that a white man who should discover that he had Negro blood would wish to keep the secret and continue to associate with white people does not prove that a a Negro

who has never thought of himself as anything else would be otherwise than uncomfortable if he were called on to associate intimately with white people. Mr. Smith gives this illustration:

When told of the valor of the British and the French, Americans do not feel the poorer. Rather do we feel the richer that we live in a world in which there is so much courage. These stories of the valor of our allies do not dim in the least the luster of the deeds of our own boys.

In the same way I feel the fame of my race to be safe and that I am the richer whenever I learn of some worthy accomplishment of a Negro. It is as if the Power that brought me here had said: "If this wonderful thing of life which you share can strike a spark from even this humble breast, how much more may you not attain to !"

The author is equally insistent on justice to the Negro and in his hostility to lynching. Lynching does not stop crime, and "what we want is to prevent crime rather than to have to punish it." As one means of preventing it he would establish colonies for the feeble-minded; and as another he would make provision for young Negro children so that they could be cared for during the day and taught simple work and play and trained as useful members of society. "It would be even cheaper in the long run than spending so much on criminal court and penitentiary." Above all, he would secure justice under the law for the Negro. "Every lynching makes even the good Negro feel less safe in his person and property."

AIRPLANE AMBULANCES

We have received, through the courtesy of Dr. C. L. Gibson, of New York City, an account of the successful employment of an airplane as a war ambulance in the desert of Morocco. The account comes from Dr. Tuffier, a friend of Dr. Gibson's, who not only holds a place of eminence in French surgery, but has been Chief Consultant to the French armies. Dr. Tuffier's account is especially interesting because it is not a prophecy of what aviators dream of doing in the future, but a scientific narrative of what they have already actually accomplished.

Dr. Tuffier was called from France to Morocco to see a general who had been badly wounded by a shell fragment which had entered the left side of the chest and had become lodged behind the heart. This officer had been wounded at a place one hundred and seventy miles from any railway. He had been carried to the rear from the line of fighting, fifteen miles, on a litter. Two army surgeons were detailed to go to him by airplane. One started from Fez, one hundred and eighty miles away, and reached the wounded officer in

three hours and ten minutes, after having crossed the Atlas Mountains at an altitude of about thirteen thousand feet. The

CHINA AND JAPAN AT THE PEACE TABLE

other surgeon flew from another point all the dealt with at Paris few F the complex problems which

sixty miles away and arrived at the same time. The station where the wounded general lay was far too primitive for a serious operation, being isolated in the desert, without any instruments or apparatus. The general's condition being very grave, he was brought back by bombing airplane to a hospital station, a distance of about forty miles, escorted by the two surgeons. Although the patient was in a very grave condition, an operation was performed, and all the immediate symptoms were successfully relieved.

This is not the only instance of the airplane being used for the transportation of wounded. It was found, so Dr. Tuffier reports, that men suffering from the gravest lesions, such as fractures of the thigh, could be easily transported forty miles in three-quarters of an hour, flying over the enemy lines. In September, 1918, fifteen wounded men were brought back from the front in Morocco by ordinary airplane, covering a distance of sixty miles in less than seventy minutes. Before the war came to an end the French had mapped out in southern Algeria and in Tunis actual airplane routes for the evacuation of the wounded and the transportation of surgeons. One of these routes reaches a point over three hundred miles from any railway. To transport wounded men over this route by camel or mule would require twenty-six days. French pilots have made this trip in airplanes comfortably in one day. The advantages of airplane evacuation of the wounded, says Dr. Tuffier, are not only the rapidity but the possibility of penetrating to stations which are for the most part surrounded by the enemy.

He prophesies that special airplane ambulances will be built with proper accommodations and entrances for the wounded, especially for grave cases of injury to the head, chest, and abdomen. We suppose that the great extent of level area in the desert would make landing, forced or voluntary, more simple than in an ordinary hilly and mountainous country. Dr. Tuffier points out one obstacle to aviation in the Sahara Desert-that is the temperature, with the resulting atmospheric disturbances, which make it necessary for the pilot to keep five or six thousand feet in the air in the summer. The greatest drawback is the sirocco, that dry, hot wind of the desert which raises. clouds of dust and makes landing so dangerous that flying is impossible about one. day out of every four in the hot periods. Notwithstanding these drawbacks this airplane ambulance service is an accomplished fact.

are as delicate or important as those which concern the east coast of Asia. All the world knows of the complaints of China against Japan and her demands that Tsingtao be returned to her. All the world knows also of Japan's claims to the disputed territory and her protest against any impairment of formal treaty rights.

The sympathy of Americans, in so far as it finds expression through the press, seems to be preponderantly with China. The deep-seated suspicion of Japan which has developed in the past twelve or thirteen years has prejudiced many Americans against her, and has led them to believe that Japan is never to be trusted, least of all when she is dealing with China. Americans in China are overwhelmingly and bitterly anti-Japanese. Business men there see in Nipponese activities the closing of the open door and the stifling of legiti mate competition; missionaries there have been antagonized by the Japanese exploitation of the great inchoate republic, notably in such unfortunate ways as the illicit morphine and opium traffic. Only occasionally is a voice raised publicly in defense of the island Empire. Americans have, too, a traditional sympathy with the under dog which at times approaches the quixotic, and China's helplessness and almost pathetic trust in the good intentions of the United States have been both touching and flattering.

Suspicions of Japanese activities in China are, moreover, not without some foundation. Japan holds Manchuria more tightly in her grip than in 1914. And now, since expelling the Germans, Japan has hastened to establish herself as firmly as possible in Tsingtao. If the Japanese succeed in retaining their present hold, the province and peninsula of Shantung. to which the port of Tsingtao, together with Kiaochau, is the key, may be as firmly gripped as Manchuria. With these two sections in their hands the Japanese would have North China at their mercy; and in view of their claims in Fukien and their expanding influence in the Yangtze Valley, the Japanese would seem to be moving toward dominance in the south. To peoples who have been passing through an inferno of struggle in resisting German aggression it is natural that Japanese policies in China should seem dangerous to the peace of the world and contrary to ideas of justice and liberty. The fact that the Chinese have borrowed recklessly of Japan during the past year or two, and have pledged as security important taxes and mining, railway, and timber rights, and thus have to some extent placed themselves under Japanese control, does

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