Military coercion is no longer of any avail, as nothing further can possibly be collected from the country in which we are obliged to take a position, without depriving the inhabitants of the last morsel. This mode of subsisting, supposing the desired end could be answered by it, besides being in the highest degree distressing to individuals, is attended with ruin to the morals and discipline of the army. During the few days which we have been obliged to send out small parties to procure provisions for themselves, the most enormous excesses have been committed. It has been no inconsiderable support of our cause, to have had it in our power to contrast the conduct of our army with that of the enemy, and to convince the inhabitants that, while their rights were wantonly violated by the British troops, by ours they were respected. This distinction must, unhappily, now cease, and we must assume the odious character of the plunderers instead of the protectors of the people; the direct consequence of which must be, to alienate their minds from the army and insensibly from the cause. We have not yet been absolutely without flour, but we have this day, but one day's supply in camp, and I am not certain that there is a single barrel between this place and Trenton. I shall be obliged therefore to draw down one | or two hundred barrels from a small magazine, which I had endeavored to establish at West Point, for the security of the garrison, in case of a sudden investiture. From the above state of facts, it may be foreseen that this army cannot possibly remain much longer together, unless very vigorous and immediate measures are taken by the states to comply with the requisitions made upon them. The commissary general has neither the means nor the power of procuring supplies-he is only to receive them from the several agents. Without a speedy change of circumstances, this dilemma will be involved: either the army must disband, or what is, if possible, worse, subsist upon the plunder of the people. I would fain flatter myself that a knowledge of our situation will produce the desired relief: not a relief of a few days, as has generally heretofore been the case, but a supply equal to the establishment of magazines for the winter. If these are not formed before the roads are broken up by the weather, we shall certainly experience the same difficulties and distresses the ensuing winter which we did the last. Although the troops have, upon every occasion hitherto, borne their wants with unparalleled patience, it will be dangerous to trust too often to a repetition of the cause of discon tent. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your excellency's most obedient, G. WASHINGTON. THOMAS RODNEY TO C. RODNEY. DOVER, July 20, 1779. DEAR SIR-You will readily grant that it is evident from the low credit of our money, that the state of our finances is bad enough; yet I think congress is too much alarmed on this head, and is thereby urged into measures that still tend to depress the credit of the money. 'Tis well enough that they should alarm the people, that every exertion may be made by them to support congress in their measures for raising the value of the money-but if congress be too much alarmed themselves, they will not be so likely to direct these exertions in the best manner to answer effectually the purpose intended. Congress, in my humble opinion, ought to be cool, uniform and firm, in what they do on this head. Taxation, if not impeded by other means, will restore the money much sooner perhaps than congress apprehend; for, by this means, without destroying one bill, one half the money, at least, will be taken out of circulation, and the people will soon be amazed to see the money disappear, without hearing that any of it is destroyed. This position will appear evident to you when you consider, that, from the moment the present tax is collected, (if the plan is pursued), there will always be at least sixty millions of dollars locked up in the treasuries-and as fast as any part of this sum is dealt out to supply the exigencies of the war, it ought to be supplied by the taxes coming in. I think there can be no doubt but a sum, equal to what I have mentioned, will always remain in the treasury; that is, between the hands of the first collectors and those that pay it out to the people again: and while it is there, it will be out of sight and out of circulation. But if taxation has been too long neglected, and is now too slow to supply your present demand, it is better to borrow, than emit any more money-but not upon unusual interest ;— a higher interest than usual, holds out that the people are not ready and willing to support the public credit, and that the security is doubtful. An accumulating interest, to be in proportion to the increase of the quantity of money, holds out that you intend to emit more-that is, that you will make the monster yet more terrible, that has frightened every body almost out of their wits already. Borrowing is a measure I never would advise, if the necessity of our circumstances did not drive us into it, by being past the opportunity of better means; but as we are now circumstanced, borrowing may have an extraordinary good effect, if the measure is wisely conducted—that is, if the friends to America would form themselves into bodies, or small societies, and every man subscribe according to his abilities to lend the public at usual interest, and each society to appoint one or more of their members to take a certificate for the gross sum they all subscribe, in trust to receive and pay each member his interest annually, and his principal according to the terms of lending. This is the mode the friends of the cause are endeavoring to promote here, that all persons whatever may have an opportunity of subscribing. When I see large societies formed in your city to promote their own particular sentiment about the constitution of government, I cannot think they would be backward in a measure of this sort, which possibly may be the means of saving the very existence of that government. The mode that I would advise in your city would be this: Let each class of people, according to their calling, associate together and let the merchants, who we may suppose the monied men, begin-their example will soon be followed by the rest. This would convince both our friends and enemies, as well abroad as at home, that the people are determined to support the public credit, and the only hope that Britain now has would vanish in a moment. Once this example is set, he that is able, and does not follow it, will give the strongest proof of his disaffection, and ought to be regarded accordingly. the 17th, for which and the enclosure I am much obliged, as I shall always be for a communication of your sentiments on public affairs. I so much agreed with you concerning the expediency of acceding to the confederation, though, as you justly observe, in several particulars exceptionable, that I used what little influence I had to forward its ratification by our state; advising, at the same time, a strong declaration upon the parts objected to addressed to congress, and pointedly expressing our expectation of a revision and alteration thereof at a more conventent season. Your reflections on our loan, and on some other proceedings, I fear, are too well founded. -Our difficulties are prodigious. We see the wisdom of your proposal to stop the presseswe perceive taxation to be of as much importance as you mention-we are desirous of borrowing on the lowest terms-but, while we have so many thousands to supply with necessaries, and while the demands upon us for the articles we must purchase are daily and hourly rising upon us, with such a boundless stretch -to what purpose are loans and taxes? I have esteemed it my duty since I have been in congress, to keep my eyes constantly fixed on the preventing further emissions—and several steps have been taken towards that point, that are known but by very few to lead towards it: some others are now under consideration-and I am impatiently waiting for the moment, when a prospect of carrying on affairs without further emissions, and a likelihood of succeeding in the attempt, will permit me to move for stopping the presses. Mrs. Dickinson and Sally, with myself, desire to be very affectionately remembered to your family. I am, sir, your sincerely affectionate and very humble servant, JOHN DICKINSON. THOS. RODNEY TO C. RODNEY. There are few evils but what have benefits proportionate attendant on them. War cannot be carried on without supplies, and the high To Thomas Rodney, esq. Dover. prices given for them for twelve months past, has encouraged the merchant and the farmer in such a degree, that we see industry, enterprise and plenty abound every where-so that, in my private view, (notwithstanding the state of our finances), our circumstances are the most flourishing that they have been since the war began. THOMAS Rodney. Cæsar Rodney, esq. PHILADELPHIA, June 14, 1781. SIR-You will find by the contents of this, that it is a confidential letter, conveying you very important and pleasing intelligence. Congress has received a letter from the king of France, and also otherwise officially informed by his minister here, that the empress of Russia threw out an invitation for the belligerent powers to apply for her mediation, at which the court of London eagerly caught, and mentioned the emperor of Germany as another DEAR SIR-I have received your favor of mediator-and a congress was proposed to be JOHN DICKINSON, OF PENN. TO THOMAS RODNEY. PHILADELPHIA, July 22, 1779. to add two more, then Jay was appointed—then Jefferson had five votes, Franklin four, and Laurens one. The states voted the same way three times. Then I proposed to the members of Virginia and Pennsylvania that we should appoint them both, which being generally agreed to, this day was appointed for the purpose, and then Laurens was included—so the appointment now consists of five. New Hamp were for Franklin, South Carolina for Laurens, THOMAS RODNEY. opened at Vienna, for the purpose of settling a general peace. The answer of the court of France was, that they could send no plenipotentiaries to said congress, till they had consulted their allies; but, in the mediators are such respectable powers, and may be so fully relied on for justice, the king presses the United States to submit to the mediation-and that the first preliminary he will insist on, previous to any other negotiation, shall be, the indepen-shire, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland, dence of the United States, in full-and upon obtaining this, request that the states may be as moderate in all other demands as possible, that the mediating powers, may thereby receive favorably impressions of our equity and justice. The same mediating application was made to the court of Spain, and their answer was, that they could not do any thing but in conjunction with their ally, the king of France -so that the congress of mediation is likely to be delayed till our despatches reach France. However, the king says that, if he is so pressed that he cannot decently delay sending a plenipotentiary till that time, he shall insist on the preliminary before mentioned, and then only proceed in the negotiation so as to have it in such forwardness as will not injure America Casar Rodney, esq., Dover. against their plenipotentiaries and instructions arrived. The king of France thinks that very equitable terms of peace may be obtained through this mediation, but urges us strongly to exert ourselves this campaign—as the wresting the southern states out of the hands of the British, will contribute greatly to lessen their demands and make them more readily incline to equitable terms of peace; and that our exertions ought to be quick and vigorous, lest a truce should take place: and to ensure the success of this mediation we ought to make the most ample and vigorous preparations for carrying on the war. Britain made an attempt, through a Mr. Cumberland, to negotiate a separate treaty with Spain; but this has failed, though Mr. Cumberland is still at Madrid. Spain would not treat but in conjunction with France, and France cannot treat but in conjunction with America. Thus are we linked togeth-quarters equally good with those I was comer, so that the independence of America now stands on prosperous ground, and no further doubt need to remain about it: for this much is certain-all the powers of Europe, (Britain excepted), wish us to be independent. Thus far in confidence, with this addition, that congress have appointed Dr. Franklin, J. Adams, J. Jay, H. Laurens and governor Jefferson, plenipotentiaries for settling the peace. They first agreed to appoint but one, and Adams was appointed before I came up; they then agreed AMERICAN AND FRENCH SOLDIERS. WILLIAMSBURG, Dec. 16, 1781. DEAR SIR-After the departure of gen. Washington, the French quartered themselves upon the people, of this and some other towns, a la mode militaire, and gave no small offence; but they are now dancing them into good humor again by a ball every week. I had myself a petit guerre with a French officer, by which I was turned out of my quarters, and, consequently, came off but second best. Being summoned before count Rochambeau to answer for my rebellious conduct, I received a long lecture on the subject of politeness to friends and allies, with intimations of his power to punish obstinacy. Although I was put into pelled to leave, I must confess, I did not perfectly understand the French politeness, in the mode of exchange. The old count, I believe, has either forgotten or forgiven me, as a day or two ago he gave me an invitation to dine with him. It must be mortifying to our poor devils to observe the comfortable and happy life of French soldiers. They appear on parade every day like fine gentlemen, as neat as their officers, and hardly to be distinguished from them. They are paid once a week, and, by their happy | York, I have heard of no stealing among them. countenance, appear to want nothing. A sentinel is not allowed to stand upon duty without a warm watch-coat in addition to his other clothing. The officers treat the soldiers with attention, humanity and respect, and appear to employ all the means necessary to inspire them with sentiments of honor. Except some horsejockeying and plundering, at the reduction of Theft is said to be a crime held in universal abhorrence among them. I have not seen or heard of any instance, yet, of a French soldier being whipped. Their desertions, I believe, have been rare, and their sickness but little. When will our army bear the comparison ? JAMES TILTON. Thomas Rodney, esq. PROCEEDINGS MARYLAND. OF THE PEOPLE ASSEMBLED AT ANNAPOLIS, ISH GOODS. ANNAPOLIS, June 29, 1769. Several of the counties having entered into resolutions of non-importation of British superfluities, and the province, in general, being invited by the gentlemen of Anne Arundel county, to request some people from each county, to meet at this place, on the 20th instant, in order that a general resolution of non-importation might be formedThere was accordingly a very full meeting, at which the following RESOLUTIONS were entered into; and it agreed, that twelve copies should be printed and transmitted to each county, to be signed by the people, which, it is expected, will be done with great readiness throughout the province. was | the parliament of Great Britain, by imposing taxes upon many articles imported hither from thence, and from other parts beyond sea, has left it less in our power, than in time past, to purchase and pay for the manufactures of the imposed by a late act of parliament, laying mother-country; which taxes, especially those duties on tea, paper, glass, etc., we are clearly convinced have been imposed contrary to the spirit of our constitution, and have a direct and manifest tendency to deprive us, in the end, of all political freedom, and reduce us to a state of dependence, inconsistent with that liberty we have rightfully enjoyed under the government of his present most sacred majesty, (to whom we owe, acknowledge, and will always and of his royal predecessors, ever since the joyfully pay all due obedience and allegiance) first settlement of the province, until of very late time-have thought it necessary to unite, as nearly as our circumstances will admit, with our sister colonies, in resolutions for the purpose aforesaid; and, therefore, do hereby agree, and bind ourselves, to and with each other, by all the ties and obligations of honor and reputation, that we will strictly and faithfully observe, and conform to the follow We, the subscribers, his majesty's loyal and dutiful subjects, the merchants, traders, freeholders, mechanics, and other inhabitants of the province of Maryland, seriously considering the present state and condition of the province, and being sensible that there is a ne-ing resolutions: cessity to agree upon such measures, as may tend to discourage, and as much as may be, prevent the use of foreign luxuries and superfluities, in the consumption of which we have heretofore too much indulged ourselves, to the great detriment of our private fortunes, and, in some instances, to the ruin of our families; and, to this end, to practise ourselves, and as much as possible, to promote, countenance, and encourage in others, a habit of temper-sider such taxation, in every respect, as an abance, frugality, economy, and industry, and solute prohibition to the articles that are, or considering also, that measures of this nature may be taxed. are more particularly necessary at this time, as FIRST, That we will not, at any time hereafter, directly or indirectly, import, or cause to be imported, any manner of goods, merchandise, or manufactures, which are, or shall hereafter be, taxed by act of parliament, for the purpose of raising a revenue in America (except paper not exceeding six shillings per ream, and except such articles only as orders have been already sent for) but, that we will always con SECONDLY, That we will not hereafter, snuff, and other manufactured tobacco, soap, starch, playing cards, dice, English china, English ware, in imitation of China, delph and stone ware, of all sorts, except milk-pans, stone bottles, jugs, pitchers, and chamber pots, marble and wrought stone of any kind, except scythe-stones; mill-stones, and grind-stones, iron castings, ironmongery of all sorts, except ers' tools, locks, frying-pans, scythes and sickles, cutlery of all sorts, except knives and forks, not exceeding three shillings per dozen; knives, scissors, sheep shears, needles, pins and thim tacles, cordage, or tarred rope of all sorts, seines, ships' colors ready made, ivory, horn and bone ware of all sorts, except combs. THIRDLY, That we will not, during the time aforesaid, import any wines, of any kind whatever, or purchase the same from any person whatever, except such wines as are already imported, or for which orders are already sent. FOURTHLY, That we will not kill or suffer to be killed, or sell, or dispose to any person, whom we have reason to believe intends to kill, any ewe-lamb that shall be yeaned before the first day of May in any year, during the time aforesaid. directly or indirectly, during the continuance of | paintings, carpets of all sorts, snuff-boxes, the aforesaid act of parliament, import, or cause to be imported, from Great Britain, or any other part of Europe, (except such articles of the produce or manufacture of Ireland, as may be immediately and legally brought from thence, and also, except all such goods as orders have been already sent for) any of the goods herein after enumerated, to wit, horses, spirits, wine, cider, perry, beer, ale, malt, bar-nails; hoes, steel, handicraft and manufacturley, peas, beef, pork, fish, butter, cheese, tallow, candles, oil, except Salad-oil, fruit, pickles, confectionery, British refined sugar, mustard, coffee, pewter, tin-ware of all kinds, whether plain or painted, waiters, and all kinds of japan-bles, razors, chirurgical instruments and specware, wrought copper, wrought and cast brass, and bell-metal, watches, clocks, plate, and all other gold and silversmiths' work, trinkets, and jewelry of all kinds, gold and silver lace, joiners' and cabinet work of all sorts, lookingglasses, upholstery of all kinds, carriages of all kinds, ribbons and millinery of all kinds, except | wig-ribbon, lace, cambric, lawn, muslin, kenting, gauze of all kinds, except Boulting-cloths, silks of all kinds, except raw and sewing silk, and wig cauls, velvets, chintzes, and calicoes of all sorts, of more than twenty-pence per yard, East-India goods of every kind, except salt-petre, black pepper, and spices, printed linens, and printed cottons, striped linens, and cottons, check linens, and cotton checks of all kinds, handkerchiefs of all kinds, at more than ten shillings per dozen; cotton velvets, and all kinds of cotton, or cotton and linen stuffs, bed-whatever, any of the goods enumerated in the bunts, and bed-ticking of all sorts, cotton counterpanes and coverlids, British manufactured linens of all kinds, except sail-cloth, Irish and all foreign linens, above one shilling and six pence per yard; woolen cloth, above five quarters wide, of more than five shillings per yard; narrow cloths of all sorts, of more than three shillings per yard; worsted stuffs of all sorts, above thirteen pence per yard; silk and worsted, silk and cotton, silk and hair, and hair and worsted stuffs of all kinds, worsted and hair shags, mourning of all and every kind, stockings, caps, waistcoat and breeches patterns of all kinds, rugs of all sorts, above eight shillings; blankets, above five shillings, per blanket; men's and women's ready made clothes and wearing apparel of all kinds, hats of all kinds, of more than two shillings per hat; wigs, gloves, and mits of all kinds, stays and bodices of all sorts, boots, saddles, and all manufactures of leather, and skins of all kinds, except men's and women's shoes, of not more than four shillings per pair, whips, brushes, and brooms of all sorts, gilt, and hair trunks, FIFTHLY, That we will not, directly or indirectly, during the time aforesaid, purchase, take up, or receive, on any terms, or conditions second resolution, that shall, or may be im- SIXTHLY, That if any person shall import, or endeavor to import, from Great Britain or any part of Europe, any goods whatever, contrary to the spirit and design of the foregoing resolutions, or shall sell any goods which he has now, or may hereafter have on hand, or may import, on any other terms than are herein |