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in this crisis. The volunteers were i resist bis while they asked only for their country wha all the world saw she was entitled to: Er they became impotent the moment they do manded more. They were deserted, at th moment, by all the talent and the respect ability which had given them, for a time, the absolute dominion of the country. The cas

terials for conversation. The House at Uxbridge, where the treaty was held during Charles the First's time; the beautiful and undulating grounds of Balstrode, formerly the residence of Chancellor Jefferies; and Waller's tomb in Beconsfield church yard, which, before we went home, we visited, and whose character, as a gentleman, a poet, and an orator, he shortly delineated, but with exquisite felicity of genius, altogether gave an uncommon interest to his eloquence; and, although one-andtwenty years have now passed since that day, I re-cession of their just rights operated like i tain the most vivid and pleasing recollection of it. talisman in separating the patriotic from the He reviewed the characters of many statesmen.- factious: And when the latter afterwards Lord Bath's, whom, I think, he personally knew, tempted to invade the lofty regions of legt and that of Sir Robert Walpole, which he pour- mate government, they were smitten with is trayed in nearly the same words which he used stantaneous discord and confusion, and speed with regard to that eminent man, in his appeal from the Old Whigs to the New. He talked much of ly dispersed and annihilated from the face of ¦ the great Lord Chatham; and, amidst a variety of the land. These events are big with instre: particulars concerning him and his family, stated, tion to the times that have come after; at that his sister, Mrs. Anne Pitt, used often, in her read an impressive lesson to those who han altercations with him, to say,That he knew now to deal with discontents and convention nothing whatever except Spenser's Fairy Queen.' in the same country. 'And,' continued Mr. Burke, no matter how that was said; but whoever relishes, and reads Spenser as he ought to be read, will have a strong hold of the English language.' These were his exact words. Of Mrs. Anne Pitt, he said, that she had the most agreeable and uncommon talents, and was, beyond all comparison, the most perfectly eloquent person he ever heard speak. He always, as he said, lamented that he did not put on paper a conversa-dially the sentiments professed by this mo tion he had once with her; on what subject I forget. The richness, variety, and solidity of her discourse, absolutely astonished him.*

But if it be certain that the salvation of I land was then owing to the mild, liberal, and enlightened councils of the Rockingham a ministration as a body, it is delightful to T, in some of the private letters which Mr. Hardy has printed in the volume before us, how ez

which, we fear, few precedents have been left in the office of the Secretary of State.

istry were adopted by the eminent men whe presided over its formation. There are letten to Lord Charlemont, both from Lord Rockuş ham himself, and from Mr. Fox, which would Certainly no nation ever obtained such a almost reconcile one to a belief in the poss deliverance by such an instrument, and hurt bility of ministerial fairness and sincerity. itself so little by the use of it; and, if the We should like to give the whole of them Irish Revolution of 1782 shows, that power here; but as our limits will not admit of that and intimidation may be lawfully employed we must content ourselves with some extract to enforce rights which have been refused to from Mr. Fox's first letter after the new mi supplication and reason, it shows also the ex-istry was formed, for the tone and style of treme danger of this method of redress, and the necessity there is for resorting to every precaution in those cases where it has become indispensable. Ireland was now saved from all the horrors of a civil war, only by two circumstances the first, that the great military force which accomplished the redress of her grievances, had not been originally raised or organised with any view to such an interference; and was chiefly guided, therefore, by men of loyal and moderate characters, who had taken up arms for no other purpose but the defence of their country against foreign invasion:-The other, that the just and reasonable demands to which these leaders ultimately limited their pretensions, were addressed to a liberal and enlightened administration, -too just to withhold, when in power, what they had laboured to procure when in opposition, and too magnanimous to dread the effect of conceding, even to armed petitioners, what was clearly and indisputably their due. It was the moderation of their first demands, and the generous frankness with which they were so promptly granted, that saved Ireland

I here omit the long abstract which originally followed, of the Irish parliament and public history, from 1750 to the period of the Union, together with all the details of the great Volunteer Association in *80, and its fortunate dissolution in 1782-to which eraarkable event the paragraph which now follows bhe text refers.

"My dear Lord,-If I had had occasion to writ to you a month ago, I should have written s great confidence that you would believe me perfecty sincere, and would receive any thing that came from one who acted upon the same political principles. me with the partiality of an old acquaintance, ad hope you will now consider me in the same ig but I own I write with much more diffidence, is am much more sure of your kindness to me personally, than of your inclination to listen with fa State. The principal business of this letter is to vour to any thing that comes from a Secretary of inform you, that the Duke of Portland is appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and Colonel Fitzpatrick his secretary; and, when I have said this, I need not add, that I feel myself, on every private as well success of their administration. That their persons as public account, most peculiarly interested in the and characters are not disagreeable to your Lordship, I may venture to assure myself, without being too sanguine; and I think myself equally certain, that there are not in the world two men whose general way of thinking upon political subjects is therefore, too much to desire and hope, that you more exactly consonant to your own. It is not, will at least look upon the administration of such men with rather a more favourable eye, and incline to trust them rather more than you could do most of those who have been their predecessors.""The particular time of year at which this change happens, is productive of many great inconveniences, especially as it will be very difficult for the Duke of Portland to be at Dublin before your Parliament meets; but I cannot help hoping that all reasonable men will concur in removing some of these dif

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calties, and that a short adjournment will not be readers one or two specimens of his g
denied, if asked. I do not throw out this as know- drawing characters; in the exercise of w
ing from any authority that it will be proposed, but he generally rises to a sort of quaint
as an idea that suggests itself to me; and in order brilliant conciseness, and displays a des
to show that I wish to talk with you, and consult
with you in the same frank manner in which I of acuteness and fine observation that are
should have done before I was in this situation, so to be found in the other parts of his writi
very new to me. I have been used to think ill of His greatest fault is, that he does not abu
all the ministers whom I did know, and to suspect any body,-even where the dignity of histor
those whom I did not, that when I am obliged to and of virtue, call loudly for such an inflictio
call myself a minister, I feel as if I put myself into
a very suspicious character; but I do assure you I Yet there is something in the tone of all h
am the very same man, in all respects, that I was delineations, that satisfies us that there is no
when you knew me, and honoured me with some thing worse than extreme good nature at the
share in your esteem-that I maintain the same bottom of his forbearance. Of Philip Tisdal
pinions, and act with the same people.
mont first came into Parliament, he says:-
who was Attorney-general when Lord Charle

"Pray make my best compliments to Mr. Grat-
Lan, and tell him, that the Duke of Portland and
Fitzpatrick are thoroughly impressed with the im-
portance of his approbation, and will do all they can
to deserve it. I do most sincerely hope, that he
may hit upon some line that may be drawn honour-
ably and advantageously for both countries; and
that, when that is done, he will show the world that
there may be a government in Ireland, of which he
is not ashamed to make a part. That country can
never prosper, where, what should be the ambition
of men of honour, is considered as a disgrace."
men of honour, is conside

standing; an understanding matured by years-by long experience-by habits with the best company from his youth-with the bar, with Parliament, with the State. To this strength of intellect was added a constitutional philosophy, or apathy, which "He had an admirable and most superior undernever suffered him to be carried away by attach and things so clearly; he understood so well the ment to any party, even his own. He saw men the close of his days, he went through the world gravity of feature. His countenance was never gay, whole farce and fallacy of life, that it passed before and his mind was never gloomy. He was an able him like a scenic representation; and, till almost speaker, as well at the bar as in the House of Comwith a constant sunshine of soul, and an inexorable liamentary coadjutors, though he knew the whole of the subject much better than they did. He was not only a good speaker in Parliament, but an exmons, though his diction was very indifferent. He cellent manager of the House of Commons. did not speak so much at length as many of his parnever said too much: and he had great merit in what he did not say; for Government was never committed by him. He plunged into no difficulty; nor did he ever suffer his antagonist to escape from one."-pp. 78, 79.

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those who are only used to the carelessness of mont, in relation to that parliamentary grant, modern debating, can scarcely form any idea. Lord by which an honour was conferred on an a Charlemont, who had been long and intimately ac-dividual patriot, without place or official sit quainted with him, previous to his coming to Ireland, often mentioned that he was the only speaker, tion of any kind, and merely for his person among the many he had heard, of whom he could merits and exertions, which has in other cam say, with certainty, that all his speeches, however been held to be the particular and appropriate long, were written and got by heart. A gentleman, reward of triumphant generals aud command well known to his Lordship and Hamilton, assured ers. When the mild and equable temper him, that he heard Hamilton repeat, no less than ment of Lord Charlemont's mind is reed three times, an oration, which he afterwards spoke in the House of Commons, and which lasted almost lected, as well as the caution with which al three hours. As a debater, therefore, he became his opinions were expressed, we do not know as useless to his political patrons as Addison was to that a wise ambition would wish for a prender Lord Sunderland; and, if possible, he was more or more honourable testimony than is as scrupulous in composition than even that eminent tained in the following short sentences. man. Addison would stop the press to correct the most trivial error in a large publication; and Ham. ilton, as I can assert on indubitable authority, would recall the footman, if, on recollection, any word, in his opinion, was misplaced or improper, in the slightest note to a familiar acquaintance.' pp. 60, 61. No name is mentioned in these pages with higher or more uniform applause, than that of Henry Grattan. But that distinguished person still lives: and Mr. Hardy's delicacy has prevented him from attempting any delineation, either of his character or his eloquence. We respect his forbearance, and shall follow his example:-Yet we cannot deny ourselves the gratification of extracting one sentence from a letter of Lord Charle

"Respecting the grant, I know with certainty that Grattan, though he felt himself flattered in the intention, looked upon the act with the despe concern, and did all in his power to deprecate As it was found impossible to defeat the design.di his friends, and I among others, were employed lessen the sum. It was accordingly decreased by one half, and that principally by his positive deca on, he would refuse all but a few hundreds, whic ration, through us, that, if the whole were insi he would retain as an honourable mark of the good ness of his country. By some, who look only in themselves for information concerning humas u ture, this conduct will probably be construed in hypocrisy. To such, the excellence and pre-annency of virtue, and the character of Grattan, m as invisible and incomprehensibe, as the brighios of the sun to a man born blind."—p. 237.

(September, 1818.)

An Inquiry whether Crime and Misery are produced or prevented by our present System of Prism Discipline. Illustrated by Descriptions of the Borough Compter, Tothill Fields Prisen, the Jail at St. Albans, the Jail at Guildford, the Jail at Bristol, the Jails at Bury and Ilchester, the Maison de Force at Ghent, the Philadelphia Prison, the Penitentiary at Millbank, and the Proceedings of the Ladies' Committee at Newgate. By THOMAS FOWELL BUXTON. 8vo. p. 171. London: 1818.

THERE are two classes of subjects which naturally engage the attention of public men, and divide the interest which society takes in their proceedings. The one may, in a wide sense, be called Party Politics-the other Civil or Domestic Administration. To the former belong all questions touching political rights and franchises-the principles of the Constitution-the fitness or unfitness of ministers, and the interest and honour of the country, as it may be affected by its conduct and relations to foreign powers, either in peace or war. The latter comprehends most of the branches of political economy and statistics, and all the ordinary legislation of internal police and regulation; and, besides the two great heads of Trade and Taxation, embraces the improvements of the civil Code-the care of the Poor-the interests of Education, Religion, and Morality-and the protection of Prisoners, Lunatics, and others who cannot claim protection for themselves. This distinction, we confess, is but coarsely drawn since every one of the things we have last enumerated may, in certain circumstanses, be made an occasion of party contention.

But what we mean is, that they are not is natural occasions, and do not belong to those topics, or refer to those principles, in relation to which the great Parties of a free country necessarily arise. One great part of a states man's business may thus be considered a Polemic-and another as Deliberative; his main object in the first being to discomfit and expose his opponents-and, in the second, to discover the best means of carrying into effect ends which all agree to be desirable.

Judging à priori of the relative importance of agreeableness of these two occupations, we should certainly be apt to think that the latter was by far the most attractive and com fortable in itself, as well as the most likely to be popular with the community. The fact, however, happens to be otherwise: For such is the excitement of a public contest for influence and power, and so great the prize to be won in those honourable lists, that the highest talents are all put in requisition for that de partment, and all their force and splendour reserved for the struggle: And indeed, when we consider that the object of this struggle is nothing less than to put the whole power of

that excite the imagination, or inflame the passions of observant multitudes.

administration into the hands of the victors, |paign. The inventors of the steam-engine and thus to enable them not only to engross and the spinning-machine have, beyond all the credit of carrying through all those bene- question, done much more in our own times, ficial arrangements that may be called for by not only to increase the comforts and wealth the voice of the country, but to carry them of their country, but to multiply its resources through in their own way, we ought not per- and enlarge its power, than all the Statesmen haps to wonder, that in the eagerness of this and Warriors who have affected during the pursuit, which is truly that of the means to all same period, to direct its destiny; and yet, ends, some of the ends themselves should, while the incense of public acclamation has when separately presented, appear of inferior been lavished upon the latter while wealth moment, and excite far less interest or concern. and honours, and hereditary distinctions, have But, though this apology may be available been heaped upon them in their lives, and in some degree to the actors, it still leaves us monumental glories been devised to perpetuat a loss to account for the corresponding sen- ate the remembrance of their services, the timents that are found in the body of the peo- former have been left undistinguished in the ple, who are but lookers on for the most part crowd of ordinary citizens, and permitted to in this great scene of contention and can close their days, unvisited by any ray of pubscarcely fail to perceive, one would imagine, lic favour or national gratitude,-for no other that their immediate interests were often post- reason that can possibly be suggested, than poned to the mere gladiatorship of the parties, that their invaluable services were performed and their actual service neglected, while this without noise or contention, in the studious fierce strife was maintained as to who should privacy of benevolent meditation, and withbe allowed to serve them. In such circum-out any of those tumultuous accompaniments stances, we should naturally expect to find, that the popular favourites would not be the leaders of the opposite political parties, but The case, however, is precisely the same those who, without regard to party, came for- with the different classes of those who occupy ward to suggest and promote measures of ad- themselves with public interests. He who mitted utility-and laboured directly to en- thunders in popular assemblies, and consumes large the enjoyments and advantages of the his antagonists in the blaze of his patriotic people, or to alleviate the pressure of their eloquence, or withers them with the flash of necessary sufferings. That it is not so in fact his resistless sarcasm, immediately becomes, and reality, must be ascribed, we think, partly not merely a leader in the senate, but an idol to the sympathy which, in a country like this, in the country at large;—while he who by men of all conditions take in the party feel his sagacity discovers, by his eloquence recomings of their political favourites, and the sense mends, and by his laborious perseverance ultithey have of the great importance of their mately effects, some great improvement in success, and the general prevalence of their the condition of large classes of the commuprinciples; and partly, no doubt, and in a nity, is rated, by that ungrateful community, greater degree, to that less justifiable but very as a far inferior personage; and obtains, for familiar principle of our nature, by which we his nights and days of successful toil, a far are led, on so many other occasions, to prefer less share even of the cheap reward of popu splendid accomplishments to useful qualities, lar applause than is earned by the other, and to take a much greater interest in those merely in following the impulses of his own perilous and eventful encounters, where the ambitious nature. No man in this country prowess of the champions is almost all that is ever rose to a high political station, or even to be proved by the result, than in those hum- obtained any great personal power and influbler labours of love or wisdom, by which the ence in society, merely by originating in Parenjoyments of the whole society are multi-liament measures of internal regulation, or plied or secured. conducting with judgment and success imThere is a reason, no doubt, for this also-provements, however extensive, that did not and a wise one-as for every other general law to which its great Author has subjected our being: But it is not the less true, that it often operates irregularly, and beyond its province, as may be seen in the familiar instance of the excessive and pernicious admiration which follows all great achievements in War, and makes Military fame so dangerously seducing, both to those who give and to those who receive it. It is undeniably true, as Swift said long ago, that he who made two blades of grass to grow where one only grew before, was a greater benefactor to his country than all the heroes and conquerors with whom its annals are emblazed; and yet it would be ludicrous to compare the fame of the most successful improver in agriculture with that of the most inconsiderable soldier who ever signalised his courage in an unsuccessful cam

affect the interests of one or other of the two great parties in the state. Mr. Wilberforce may perhaps be mentioned as an exception; and certainly the greatness, the long endurance, and the difficulty of the struggle, which he at last conducted to so glorious a termination, have given him a fame and popularity which may be compared, in some respects, with that of a party leader. But even Mr. Wilberforce would be at once demolished in a contest with the leaders of party; and could do nothing, out of doors, by his own individua. exertions; while it is quite manifest, that the greatest and most meritorious exertions to ex tend the reign of Justice by the correction of our civil code-to ameliorate the condition of the Poor-to alleviate the sufferings of the Prisoner,-or, finally, to regenerate the minds of the whole people by an improved system

of Education, will never give a man half the power or celebrity that may be secured, at any time, by a brilliant speech on a motion of censure, or a flaming harangue on the boundlessness of our resources, and the glories of our arms.

tails of a painful and offensive nature; anim
indolent sort of optimism, by which we nate
rally seek to excuse our want of activity, be
charitably presuming that things are as w
as they can easily be made, and that it a
inconceivable that any very flagrant stem!
should be permitted by the worthy and h
mane people who are more immediately as
cerned in their prevention. To this is accu
a fear of giving offence to those same worthy
visitors and superintendants--and a stil, mon
potent fear of giving offence to his Majesty
Government;-for though no administration
can really have any interest in the eristeza
of such abuses, or can be suspected of
ing to perpetuate them from any love for them
or their authors, yet it is but too true that mat
long-established administrations have les
with an evil eye upon the detectors and
dressors of all sorts of abuses, however l
connected with politics or political persu
first, because they feel that their long as
undisturbed continuance is a tacit reproach
their negligence and inactivity, in not havig
made use of their great opportunities to us
cover and correct them-secondly, became
all such corrections are innovations upon
usages and establishments, and practical al
missions of the flagrant imperfection of the
boasted institutions, towards which it is then

It may be conjectured already, that with all due sense of the value of party distinctions, and all possible veneration for the talents which they call most prominently into action, we are inclined to think, that this estimate of public services might be advantageously corrected; and that the objects which would exclusively occupy our statesmen if they were all of one mind upon constitutional questions, ought more frequently to take precedence of the contentions to which those questions give rise. We think there is, of late, a tendency to such a change in public opinion. The nation, at least, seems at length heartily sick of those heroic vapourings about our efforts for the salvation of Europe,-which seem to have ended in the restoration of old abuses abroad, and the imposition of new taxes at home; and about the vigour which was required for the maintenance of our glorious constitution, which has most conspicuously displayed itself in the suspension of its best bulwarks, and the organisation of spy systems and vindictive persecutions, after the worst fashion of arbitrary governments;-and seems disposed to re-interest to maintain a blind and indiscrimina quire, at the hands of its representatives, some substantial pledge of their concern for the general welfare, by an active and zealous cooperation in the correction of admitted abuses, and the redress of confessed wrongs.

It is mortifying to the pride of human wisdom, to consider how much evil has resulted from the best and least exceptionable of its boasted institutions--and how those establishments that have been most carefully devised for the repression of guilt, or the relief of misery, have become themselves the fruitful and pestilent sources both of guilt and misery, in a frightful and disgusting degree. Laws, without which society could not exist, become, by their very multiplication and refinement, a snare and a burden to those they were intended to protect, and let in upon us the hateful and most intolerable plagues, of pettifogging, chicanery, and legal persecution. Institutions for the relief and prevention of Poverty have the effect of multiplying it tenfold-hospitals for the cure of Diseases become centres of infection. The very Police, which is necessary to make our cities habitable, give birth to the odious vermin of informers, thief-catchers, and suborners of treachery; -and our Prisons, which are meant chiefly to reform the guilty and secure the suspected, are converted into schools of the most atrocious corruption, and dens of the most inhuman torture.

veneration in the body of the peoplethirdly, because, if general abuses affecting large classes of the community are allowed m be exposed and reformed in any one department, the people might get accustomed to look for the redress of all similar abuses in other departments,-and reform would cease to bea word of terror and alarm (as most minister think it ought to be) to all loyal subjects.

These, no doubt, are formidable obstacles; and therefore it is, that gross abuses han been allowed to subsist so long. But they am so far from being insurmountable, that we ar perfectly persuaded that nothing more is ne cessary to insure the effectual correction, it mitigation at least, of all the evils to which we have alluded, than to satisfy the publie, 1st. of their existence and extent—and, 2lly, di there being means for their effectual redress and prevention. Evils that are directly cor nected with the power of the existing admur istration-abuses of which they are themselves the authors or abettors, or of which they have the benefit, can only be corrected by their removal from office-and are substa tially irremediable, however enormous, while they continue in power. All questions as to them, therefore, belong to the department of party politics, and fall within the province of the polemical statesman. But with regard to all other plain violations of reason, justice, or Those evils and abuses, thus arising out of humanity, it is comfortable to think that we intended benefits and remedies, are the last to live in such a stage of society as to make it which the attention of ordinary men is direct-impossible that they should be allowed to sub ed-because they arise in such unexpected quarters, and are apt to be regarded as the unavoidable accompaniments of indispensable institutions. There is a selfish delicacy which makes us at all times averse to enter into de

sist many years, after their mischief and in quity have been made manifest to the sense of the country at large. Public opinion, which is still potent and formidable even to Ministe rial corruption, is omnipotent against all infe

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