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employed by Protestant missionaries and had been begun long before the treaties of 1842 and 1844. Under the new conditions some of the older institutions disappeared. The London Missionary Society permitted the general work of the Anglo-Chinese College that not continued in the theological college to be absorbed into the educational system planned by the British authorities for Hongkong,*** and the school maintained by the Morrison Education Society passed out of existence about 1849.* Other schools were founded, however, and even more emphasis was placed upon education than before 1842. Miss Aldersey began in Ningpo a school for girls, and when she retired from active service her institution was merged into the educational program which by that time had been started by the American Presbyterians. In 1845 the Presbyterians began in Ningpo a boarding school for boys, and apparently decided to teach English in it and to lay down as a qualification to those training for the ministry the ability to read that language easily." The romanization which was early devised for the Ningpo colloquial seems to have been taught in all the mission schools in the city.2 In 1845 the American Presbyterians began a boarding school for boys in Macao but soon removed it to Canton.253 In 1850 the Church Missionary Society began in Hongkong a school, later St. Paul's College, for the training of catechists and clergy.*** In 1851 the American Methodists opened in Foochow a day school for girls. A foundling hospital followed, and in 1859 a boarding school for girls. In the same city the American Board had a school from almost the inception of its mission. About 1851 the Protestant Episcopalians began in Shanghai an institution for boys which was later to be the foundation of St. John's University." In Amoy there arrived in 1853 a Mr. Johnston whom the English Presbyterians had sent with the hope 248 A Century of Protestant Missions in China, p. 11.

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Yung Wing, My Life in China and America, pp. 19-33; Lockhart, The Medical Missionary in China, p. 142.

250 Martin, A Cycle of Cathay, p. 207; Milne, Life in China, p. 257; Speer, A Missionary Pioneer in the Far East, pp. 73, 93; Garritt in Jubilee Papers of the Central China Presbyterian Mission, p. 5. Part of her other work, as we have seen, was taken over by the Church Missionary Society.

251

Garritt, op. cit., p. 5.

252 Ibid., p. 9.

253 China Mission Hand-book, Part 2, p. 189.

25 Stock, History of the Church Missionary Society, Vol. 2, p. 293.

256 Maclay, Life among the Chinese, pp. 242, 255.

256 Luella Miner in China Mission Year Book, 1918, p. 322.

that he might begin the type of education that Alexander Duff had initiated in India. The time was not ripe for that kind of experiment in China, but education was carried on in Amoy in other forms."57

This list, while by no means exhaustive, indicates the place that the missionaries gave to the school. As a means of winning converts, of educating Chinese assistants and clergy, and of training the Christian community, it was already an integral part of the Protestant missionary program. A church of literate members, able to read the Bible for themselves, was one of the earliest objects of the missionaries' endeavors.

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Since the schools were maintained by the distrusted foreigner and were not preparatory for the coveted degrees obtained through the civil service examinations, it was but natural that for the most part only those who could not afford the more desired training sent their children to them." The day was far in the future when education by Occidentals was to prove a recognized asset. The education conducted by Protestant missionaries was, however, emphasizing certain features which were to be prominent in the China of the twentieth century-literacy for all and by means of the vernacular, and schools for girls as well as for boys.

Side by side with the teacher the medical missionary was frequently to be found. Before the last of the treaties of 18421844 had been signed, medical practice had been begun either permanently or intermittently in Canton, Macao, Hongkong, Amoy, Chusan, and Ningpo. In 1843 the report of the Medical Missionary Society for China showed that Parker had reopened his hospital at Canton (November 21, 1842), that Lockhart had opened a hospital at Shanghai (January, 1844), that Hobson had inaugurated one in Hongkong (June, 1843), that Macgowan had begun medical practice at Ningpo (November, 1843), and that J. C. Hepburn, an American Presbyterian, had undertaken similar work at Amoy.25" In 1844 D. B. McCartee, a physician, entered Ningpo." In 1846, 1847, or 1848, Hobson opened a hospital in Canton outside the foreign concessions.**1 Happer, a repre

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Johnston, China and Formosa, pp. 80-92.
Brine, The Taeping Rebellion, p. 61.

259 Chinese Repository, Vol. 13, pp. 111, 369-376.

260

Speer, A Missionary Pioneer in the Far East, passim.

201 Chinese Repository, Vol. 19, pp. 253-280; Smith, Rex Christus, p. 138.

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sentative of the American Presbyterians, had already, in 1851, begun a dispensary there." In 1850 Welton of the Church Missionary Society arrived at Foochow, the first medical missionary in that port.*** Hobson published at Canton in 1851 a treatise on anatomy-a precursor of the many books on Western medical science which Protestant missionaries were to put into Chinese and followed it later with books on surgery, medicine, and midwifery." With these came the beginning of a new medical nomenclature." The medical missionary was conceiving of his function as being the removal of prejudice against his clerical colleagues, bringing Chinese in touch with the Christian message, the relief of some of the physical distress in China, and making accessible to the Chinese the best of Western medical science.*

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As compared with Roman Catholic missions, the Protestant enterprise met relatively little active persecution. There was, to be sure, opposition, and many petty annoyances were placed in the way of the missionary and his Chinese followers and associates. Dr. Happer, for example, attempted to enter Canton in 1844 but was unable to obtain a building or even to remain in the city. For two years he had to content himself at Macao as best he could.*** Burns was repeatedly hampered, partly because he often went outside the treaty ports. Little actual violence was offered to the persons of missionaries, however. The most noteworthy exception was in 1848, when Medhurst, Lockhart, and Muirhead, while distributing tracts near Shanghai, were attacked by a mob and were all three injured. They were probably violating at least the spirit of the treaties by being outside the port, but the Chinese authorities were under legal obligation to give them protection. The British consul acted vigorously, for he believed the future security of other foreigners to be at stake, and in time some of the culprits were brought to justice.""" As a rule, however, Protestants, unlike Roman Catholic mission262 China Mission Hand-book, Part 2, p. 190.

263 Stock and McClelland, For Christ in Fub-kien, pp. 2-9; Lockhart, Medical Missionary in China, p. 216.

264 China Mission Hand-book, Part 2, p. 5; Balme, China and Modern Medicine, pp. 46-48.

266 Balme, op. cit., pp. 46-48.

266 Lockhart, op. cit., p. 134.

267 Trumbull, Old Time Student Volunteers, p. 165.

268 Chinese Repository, Vol. 17, p. 151; Lane-Poole, The Life of Sir Harry Parkes, Vol. 1, pp. 126, 127; Scarth, Twelve Years in China, p. 135.

aries, kept within the limits of the treaty ports and so were relatively safe.

SUMMARY

The treaties of 1842 and 1844 had helped to make possible greater prosperity for both Roman Catholic and Protestant missions. Partial toleration throughout the Empire, freedom in six cities for missionary activity, and the extraterritorial status for the citizens of treaty powers, had partially opened the door. To the Roman Catholic the years between the first and second group of treaties were a time when the faith of the older Christian communities was being revived and purified and active attempts were being resumed to reach the non-Christian population. With the advantage of the many centers in the interior founded and maintained by missionaries of preceding generations, he could look for a larger numerical growth in membership than could the Protestant. The Protestants, although confined almost exclusively to Hongkong and the five treaty ports, were preparing for further expansion by producing literature, experimenting with missionary methods, and acquiring a body of foreign agents trained in the language and experienced in the customs of the country. The Protestant communities, while totalling only a few hundred, were increasing rapidly. Starting from such small beginnings, Protestants were making proportionately a more rapid growth than were Catholics. They were touching Chinese life at more angles and were the interpreters to China of more phases of Western civilization. In spite of the short time that they had been in China, they already gave promise of having not only an active part in the inevitable alteration of the blder Chinese culture, but of helping in many wholesome ways in the process of transition. It was to be many years, however, before the accumulating pressure of the Occident was to bring about the transformation of the fabric of Chinese life. For more than a generation missionaries were to face the opposition of a political, intellectual, social, and religious structure which seemingly had in it no room either for them or for their message.

CHAPTER XV

THE WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN AND FRANCE AND THE

SECOND GROUP OF TREATIES (1856-1860)

ALTHOUGH, under the treaties of 1842 and 1844, missionaries were rapidly extending their operations, they still labored under severe handicaps. They possessed no legal right to purchase property or to reside or even to travel outside Hongkong, Macao, and the five treaty ports. While they might evade the notice of officials or enjoy tacit toleration, any foothold beyond these seven cities was insecure. Work in the interior and even on the coast north of the Yangtze was uncertain and perilous. Toleration had been obtained for the Christians, but this rested upon imperial edicts and at any time a strong anti-foreign reaction at court might annul it and initiate fresh persecution. Between the close of 1855 and the close of 1860 events were to occur which were to make it possible to extend missions throughout the Empire and to place under the guarantee of treaties the activities of the missionary and the faith of the Chinese Christians.

In the friction and the war which brought about these changes, missions had only a comparatively minor part. The major causes were the growing pressure of the trade of the Occident and the dissatisfaction of both foreigners and Chinese with the treaties of 1842 and 1844. With the industrial expansion in Europe, commerce with China, as with the rest of the world, increased rapidly. Foreign merchants wished more open ports and greater privileges and were impatient with the reluctance of the Chinese to fulfil the promises already made. Diplomatic intercourse, too, could never be carried on satisfactorily while the imperial government insisted on regarding all foreign nations as tributary and declined to receive at Peking or to send to other capitals resident official representatives. The Chinese, on the other hand, remembered that the treaties had been granted under duress and were

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