persons whom he had placed about him in his court; instead of which, pride and presumption, the latent poisons of sovereign power. incline the greatest part of those who arrive at thrones, either to ask no ad: ice at all, or not to follow it when they do.

Intent upon discovering the excellent in every form of government and private condition in life, he proposed the uniting of all their high qualities and great advantages in himself; affable and popular as in a republican state; grave and serious as in the councils of the aged and the senate; steady and decisive as monarchy after mature deliberation; a profound politician by the extent and rectitude of his views; an accomplished warrior, from intrepid valour in battle, directed by a wise moderation; a good father, a good relation, a good friend; and what crowns all his praise, in every circumstance of his character, always great, and always himself.

He supported his dignity and rank, not with an air of pride and haughtiness, but by a serenity of aspect, and a mild and easy majesty, resulting from innate virtues, and the evidence of a good conscience. He won the hearts of his friends by his liberality, and conquered others by a greatness of soul, to which they could not refuse their esteem and admiration.

But what was most royal in him, and attracted the entire confidence of his subjects, neighbours, and even enemies, was his sincerity, faith, and regard to all his engagements; and his hatred, or rather detestation, for all deceit, falsehood, and fraud. A single word on his side had as much regard paid to it as the most sacred oath; and it was universally known, that nothing was capable of inducing him to violate it in the least circumstance whatever.

It was by all these excellent qualities that he effectually reformed the city of Salamin, and entirely changed the face of its affairs in a very short time. He found it gross, savage and barbarous, without any taste either for learning, commerce, or arms. What cannot a prince do, who loves his people, and is beloved by them; who believes himself great and powerful only to render them happy; and knows how to set a just value upon and do honour to their labours, industry, and merit of every kind! He had not been many years upon the throne, before arts, sciences, commerce, navigation, and military discipline, were seen to flourish at Salamin; in so much that the city did not give place to the most opulent of Greece.

Isocrates often repeats, that in the praises he gives Evagoras, of which I have only extracted a part, far from exaggerating any thing,he always falls short of truth. To what can we attribute reign so wise, so just, so moderate, so constantly employed in rendering his subjects happy, and in promoting the public good? The condition of Evagoras, before he came to govern, seems to me to have contributed very much to it. He being born a prince, and having never experienced any other condition than that of master and sovereign, are, in my opinion, great obstacles to the knowledge and practice of the duties of that high station. Evagoras, who came into the world under a tyrant, had long obeyed before he commanded. He had borne, in a private and dependent life, the yoke of an absolute and despotic power. He had seen himself exposed to envy and calumny, and had been in danger for his merit and virtue. Such a prince had only to be told, upon his ascending the throne, what was said to the emperor Trajan: "You have not always been what you now are. Adversity has prepared you to make a good use of power. You have lived long among us, and like us. You have been in danger under bad princes. You have trembled for yourself, and known by experience how virtue and innocence have been treated." What he had personally suffered, what he had feared for himsel or others, what he had seen unjust and unreasonable in the conduct of bis predecessors, had opened his eyes, and taught him all his duty. It sufficed to tell him, what the emperor Galba told Piso, when he adopted him his asso

* Quam utile est ad usum secundorum per adversa venisse ! Vixisti nobiscum, periclitatus es, timuisti. Que tunc erat innocentium vita scis, et expertus es.-Plin. in Panegyr.

ciate in the empire: "Remember what you condemned or applauded in prin ces, when you were a private man. You have only to consult the judgment you then passed upon them, and to act conformably to it, for your instruction in the art of reigning well."*

TRIAL OF TIRIBASUs.

We have already said, that Tiribasus, having been accused by Orontes of forming a conspiracy against the king, had been sent to court in chains. Gaos, admiral of the fleet, who had married his daughter, apprehending that Artaxerxes would involve him in the affair with his father-in-law, and cause him to be put to death upon mere suspicion, conceived that he had no other means for his security than an open revolt. He was very well beloved by the soldiers; and all the officers of the fleet were particularly devoted to him. Without loss of time he sent deputies to Achoris, king of Egypt, and concluded a league with him against the king of Persia. He also solicited the Laceda monians warmly to come into that league, with assurances of making them masters of all Greece, and of establishing universally their form of government, at which they had long seemed to aspire. They listened favourably to these proposals, and embraced with joy this occasion of taking up arms against Artaxerxes, especially as the peace they had concluded with him, by which they had given up the Greeks of Asia had covered them with shame, and filled them with remorse.

As soon as Artaxerxes had put an end to the war of Cyprus, he thought of concluding also the affair of Tiribasus. He was so just as to appoint for that purpose three commissioners, who were great lords of Persia of distinguished probity, and of the highest reputation in his court. The affair came to an examination, and a hearing on both sides. For so considerable a crime as that of having conspired against the king's person, no other proofs were produced than the letters of Orontes; that is to say, of a declared enemy, studious to supplant his rival. Orontes was in hopes, from his influence at court, that the affair would not have been discussed in the usual form, and that upon the me→ morial sent by him, the accused would have been condemned without farther examination. But this was not the custom with the Persians. By an ancientlyestablished regulation, to which among other privileges they had a right by birth, no person was ever to be condemned, without being first heard and con fronted with his accusers. This was granted to Tiribasus, who answered to all the articles of the letter. As to his connivance with Evagoras, the treaty itself concluded by Orontes was his apology; as it was absolutely the same which that prince had proposed to him, except a condition which would have done honour to his master. As to his intelligence with the Lacedæmonians, the glorious treaty which he had made them enter into, sufficiently explained whether his own or the king's interests were his motives for it. He did not deny his influence in the army; but apprehended it had not been long a crime to be beloved by the officers and soldiers; and concluded his defence, in representing the long services he had rendered the king, with inviolable fidelity; and especially his good fortune in having formerly saved his life, when he was hunting, and in great danger of being devoured by two lions. The three conimissioners were unanimous in declaring Tiribasus innocent. The king restored him to his former favour; and justly enraged at the black design of Orontes, let the whole weight of his indignation fall upon him. A single example of this kind against informers convicted of falsehood, would for ever shut the door against calumny. How many innocent persons have been destroyed for want of observing this rule, which even the pagans considered as the basis of all justice, and the guardian of the public tranquillity!†

* Utilissimus quidem ac brevissimus bonarum malarumque rerum delectus, cogitare quid aut nolueris sub alio principe, aut volueris.-Tacit. Hist. 1. i. c. 16.

t Diodorus defers the decision of this affair, till after the war with the Cadusians, of which we shall soon speak this seems very improbable.

SECTION VII.-THE EXPEDITION OF ARTAXERXES AGAINST THE CADUSIANS. HISTORY OF DATAMES THE CARIAN.

WHEN Artaxerxes had terminated the Cyprian war, he entered upon another against the Cadusians, who it is probable had revolted, and refused to pay the customary tribute; for authors say nothing of the occasion of this war. Those people inhabited part of the mountains situated between the Euxine and Caspian seas in the north of Media. The soil there is so ungrateful, and so ill-adapted for cultivation, that no corn is sown upon it. The people subsist almost entirely upon apples, pears, and other fruits of that kind. Inured from their infancy to a hard and laborious life, they looked upon dangers and fatigues as nothing; and for that reason made excellent soldiers. The king marched against them in person, at the head of an army of three hundred thousand foot, and ten thousand horse. Tiribasus was with him in this expedition.*

Artaxerxes had not advanced far into the country, when his army suffered extremely by famine. The troops could find nothing to subsist upon; and it was impossible to bring provisions from other places, the ways being difficult and impracticable. The whole camp were reduced to eat the beasts of burden; which soon became so scarce, that the head of an ass was valued at sixty drachmas,† and was very difficult to be obtained at that price. The king's table itself began to fall short, and only a few horses remained, the rest having been entirely consumed.

In this melancholy conjuncture, Tiribasus contrived a stratagem, which saved the king and army. The Cadusians had two kings, who were encamped separately with their troops. Tiribasus, who took care to be informed of all that passed, had been apprised that there was some misunderstanding between them, and that their jealousy of each other prevented their acting in concert, as they should have done. After having communicated his design to Artaxerxes, he went himself to one of the kings, and despatched his son to the other. They each of them informed the king to whom they applied, that the other had sent ambassadors to treat with Artaxerxes privately, and advised him to lose no time, but to make his peace directly, in order that the conditions of it might be the more advantageous; promising to assist them with all their influence. The fraud succeeded. The pagans thought it no crime to use it with enemies. Ambassadors set out from both princes, with Tiribasus and his son in their company.

As this double negotiation lasted some time, Artaxerxes began to suspect Tiribasus; and his enemies taking that opportunity, forgot nothing to his prejudice that might ruin him in the king's opinion. That prince already repented the confidence he had reposed in him, and thereby gave room for those who envied him to vent their calumnies and invectives. Upon what does the fortune of the most faithful subjects depend with a credulous and suspicious prince? While this passed, Tiribasus arrived on his side, and his son on the other, each with ambassadors from the Cadusians. The treaty being concluded with both parties, and the peace made, Tiribasus became more powerful than ever in his master's favour, and returned with him.

The king's behaviour in this march was much admired. Neither the gold with which he was covered, his purple robes, nor the jewels that glittered all over him, and were worth thirty-six millions of livres, prevented his taking an equal share in every fatigue with the meanest soldier. He was seen with his quiver at his back, and his shield on his arm, to dismount from his horse and march foremost in those rugged and difficult countries. The soldiers observing his patience and fortitude, and animated by his example, became so cheerful that they seemed rather to fly than walk. At length he arrived at one of his palaces, where the gardens were in admirable order, and there was a park

*Plut. in Artax. p. 1023, 1024.

Nearly six dollars.

Dolosan.irtus, quis in oste requira:?-Virgil N2 About twelve hundred thousand dollars

of great extent and well planted, which was the more surprising, as the whole country about it was entirely naked, and bore no kind of trees. As it was the depth of winter, and excessively cold, he gave the soldiers permission to cut down the wood in this park, without excepting the finest trees, either pines or cypresses. But the soldiers being unwilling to fell timber of such exceeding beauty and stateliness, the king took an axe, and began by cutting the finest and largest tree himself; after which the troops spared none, cut down all the wood they wanted, and kindled as many fires as were necessary to their passing the night without any inconvenience. When we reflect how much value great persons generally set upon their gardens and houses of pleasure, we must acknowledge the generosity of Artaxerxes in making this sacrifice, which argued a very laudable goodness of heart, and a sensibility for the distresses and sufferings of his soldiers. But he did not always support that character.

The king had lost in this enterprise a great number of his best troops, and almost all his horses; and as he imagined that he was despised upon that account, and the ill success of his expedition, he became very much out of humour with the grandees of his court, and put to death a great number of them in the emotions of his wrath, and more out of distrust, and the fear of their attempting something against him; for fear, in a suspicious prince is a very destructive and bloody passion; whereas true courage is gentle, humane, and averse to all jealousy and suspicion.

One of the principal officers who perished in this expedition against the Cadusians, was Camisares, by nation a Carian, and governor of Leuco-Syria, a province enclosed between Cilicia and Cappadocia. His son Datames succeeded him in that government, which was given him in consideration of the good services he had also rendered the king in the same expedition. He was the greatest captain of his time; and Cornelius Nepos, who has given us his life, does not prefer Amilcar and Hannibal to him among the barbarians. It appears from his history of it, that no one ever excelled him in boldness, valour, and ability in inventing schemes and stratagems, in activity in the execution of his designs, in presence of mind to resolve in the heat of action, and to find resources upon the most desperate occasions; in a word, in every thing that regards military knowledge. It seems that nothing was wanting to his having acquired a more illustrious name, but a noble theatre, and more exalted occasions; and perhaps a historian to have given a more extensive narration of his exploits for Cornelius Nepos, according to his general plan, could not relate them but in a very succinct manner. *

He began to distinguish himself particularly by the execution of a commission that was given him to reduce Thyus, a very powerful prince, and governor of Paphlagonia, who had revolted against the king. As he was his near relation, he thought it incumbent upon him at first to try methods of lenity and reconciliation, which almost cost him his life, through the treachery of Thyus, by the ambuscades he laid for him. Having escaped so great a danger, he attacked him with open force; though he saw himself abandoned by Ariobarzanes, satrap of Lydia, lonia, and all Phrygia, whom jealousy prevented from giving him aid. He took his enemy prisoner, with his wife and children; and knowing with what joy the king would receive the news, he endeavoured to make it the more sensible by the pleasure of a surprise. He set out with his illustrious prisoner, without giving the court any advice, and made great marches, to prevent its being known from rumour before his arrival. When he came to Susa, he equipped Thyus in a very singular manner. He was a man of a very tall stature, of a haggard and terrible aspect, a black complexion, with the hair of his head and beard very long. He dressed him in a magnificent habit, put a collar and bracelets of gold about his neck and arms, and added to this equipage all the ornaments of a king, as he in fact was. For himself, in the gross habit of a peasant, and clad like a hunter, he led Thyus

* Cor. Nep. in Vit. Datamis.

apon the left in a leash, like a wild beast that had been taken in the snare. The novelty of the sight drew the whole city after it; but nobody was so much surprised and pleased as the king, when he saw them approach in that pleasant masquerade. The rebellion of a prince, very powerful in his country, had given Artaxerxes great and just alarm; and he did not expect to have seen him so soon in his hands. So sudden and successful an execution gave him a higher opinion than ever of the merit of Datames.

To express his sense of it, he gave him an equal share in the command of the army designed against Egypt, with Pharnabasus and Tithraustes, the two principal persons in the state, and even appointed him general-in-chief, when he recalled Pharnabasus.

When he was upon the point of setting out for that expedition, Artaxerxes ordered him to march directly against Aspis, who had made the country revolt, which he commanded in the neighbourhood of Cappadocia. The commission was of little importance to an officer who had been appointed general, and besides very dangerous, because it was necessary to go in quest of the enemy into a very remote country. The king soon perceived his error, and countermanded him: but Datames had set out directly with a handful of men, and marched night and day; judging that diligence, without a great number of troops, was all that was necessary to surprise and vanquish the enemy. It happened according to his expectation; and the couriers despatched by the king, met Aspis in chains upon the road to Susa.

Nothing was talked of at court but Datames. It was not known which to admire most, his ready obedience, his wise and enterprising bravery, or his extraordinary success. So glorious a reputation gave offence to the courtiers in power. Enemies in secret to each other, and divided by a contrariety of interests, and a competition in their pretensions, they united together against a superior merit, which reproached their defects, and was therefore a crime in their acceptation. They conspired to ruin him in the king's opinion, and succeeded but too well. As they besieged him perpetually, and he was not upon his guard against persons who appeared so well affected to his service, they inspired him with jealousy and suspicion, to the prejudice of the most zealous and faithful of his officers.

An intimate friend of Datames, who held one of the highest posts at the court, apprised him of what passed, and of the conspiracy which had been formed against him, and had already sunk his credit considerably with the king. He represented to him, that if the Egyptian expedition, with which he was charged, should take a bad turn, he would find himself exposed to great dangers that it was the custom with kings to attribute good successes to themselves and their auspicious fortune only, and to impute the bad to the faults of their generals, for which they were responsible at the peril of their heads that he ran the greater risk, as all that were about the king's person, and had any ascendant over him, were his declared enemies, and had sworn his destruction.*

:

Upon this advice, Datames resolved to quit the king's service, though with out doing any thing hitherto contrary to the fidelity he owed him. He left the command of the army to Mandrocles of Magnesia, departed with his own troops for Cappadocia, seized Paphlagonia which joined it, allied himself secretly with Ariobarzanes, raised troops, took possession of fortresses, and put good garrisons in them. He received advice that the Pisidians were arming against him. He did not wait their coming on, but made his army march thither under the command of his youngest son, who had the misfortune to be killed in battle. However lively his affliction might be upon that occasion, he concealed his death, lest the bad news should discourage his troops. When

* Docet eum magno fore in periculo, siquid, illo imperante, in Egypto adversi accidisset. Namque eam esse consuetudinem regum, ut casus adversos hominibus tribuant, secundos fortunæ suæ ; quo facile fieri, ut impellantur ad eorum perniciem, quorum ductu res male gestæ nuncientur. Illum hoc majore fore in dis erimine, quod, quibus rex maxime obediat, eos habeat inimicissimos.-Corn. Nep.