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ians, should they be forced to abandon their enterprise, and thereby become the scorn and contempt of their enemies, by their neglecting to take all the precautions which so important a design required: that as for himself, he was determined not to go, unless he was provided with all things necessary for the expedition, because the safety of the whole army depended on that circumstance; and he would not suffer it to depend upon the caprice, or the precarious engagements of the allies.

Nicias had flattered himself, that this speech would cool the ardour of the pecple, whereas it only inflamed it the more. Immediately the generals had full powers given them to raise as many troops, and fit out as many galleys, as they should think necessary; and the levies were accordingly carried on in Athens and other places, with inexpressible activity.*

SECTION VIII. THE ATHENIANS PREPARE TO SET SAIL, &c. &c. WHEN all things were ready for their departure, and they were preparing to sail, there happened several bad omens, which filled the minds of the people with trouble and disquietude. The women were at that time celebrating the festival of Adonis,† during which the whole city was in mourning, and full of images representing dead persons and funeral processions; and every part echoed with the cries and groans of the women who followed those statues with lamentations. Whence it was feared, that this gay and magnificent armament would soon lose all its splendour, and wither away like a flower.§

The general affliction was increased by another accident. The statues of Mercury, which stood at the entrance of private houses and temples, were all mutilated in one night, and particularly in the face; and although a great reward was promised to any person who should discover the authors of so audacious a crime, no one was detected. The citizens could not forbear considering this uncommon event, not only as an unlucky omen, but as a contrivance of some factious men, who harboured very ill designs. Some young people had already been accused of committing much the like crime in the midst of their cups; and particularly of having wantonly mimicked the ceremonies and mysteries of Ceres and Proserpine, with Alcibiades, who represented the high-priest, at their head. It highly concerns all those in exalted stations to be extremely careful of every step they take, and not to give the least opportunity to the most inveterate malice to censure them. They ought to call to mind, says Plutarch, that the eyes of all men are upon their conduct, and that they are ever eagle-eyed on these occasions; that not only their outward actions pass the most severe scrutiny, but that they penetrate to their most private apartments, and there take the strictest notice of their discourses, their diversions, and the most secret things transacted by them. It was this dread of the piercing eye of the people, that kept Themistocles and Pericles perpetually on their guard, and obliged them to refrain from most of those pleasures in which others indulged themselves.||

As for Alcibiades, he did not know what it was to lay himself under any restraints; and accordingly, as his character was so well known, people were persuaded that he very probably had been concerned in what had happened. His luxury, libertinism, and irreligion, gave an air of probability to this charge, and the accuser was not afraid of mentioning his name. This attack staggered the constancy and resolution of Alcibiades, but hearing the soldiers and sailors declare that they were induced to engage in this expedition by no other motive than their affection for Alcibiades, and that, should the least injury be done to him, they should all leave the service, he took courage, and appeared at bis

Diod. 1. xiii. p. 134.

†This superstitious rite had extended even to God's people. "And behold, there sat women weeping for Tammuz." Ezek. viii. 14. N. B. The Latin version of the Bible, which Mr. Rollin follows, says, "weeping for Adonis;" which is the same as Tammuz, the Hebrews calling Adonis by that name. A. M. 3589. Ant. J. C. 415. Thucyd. 1. vi. p. 428. Plut. in Alcib. p. 200, 201. The historian alludes to the plants and flowers that were carried in that ceremony, and which went by the name of the gardens of Adonis.

Plut. in Præc, de Rẹp. p. 800.

trial on the day appointed for that purpose. His enemies, upon pretence that it was necessary for the fleet to set sail, got the judgment suspended. It was to no purpose for Alcibiades to insist upon being tried, in case he was guilty, and not be ruined in his absence; and to represent, that it would be the most shocking and barbarous injustice to oblige him to embark for so important an expedition, without first making due inquiry into the accusations and horrid slanders which were cast upon him, the bare thoughts of which would keep him in perpetual fear and anxiety. However, none of these remonstrances proved effectual, and the fleet was ordered to set out.

They accordingly prepared to set sail, after having appointed Corcyra as the rendezvous for most of the allies, and such ships as were to carry the provisions, &c. All the citizens, as well as foreigners in Athens, flocked by daypreak to the port of Piræus. The former attended their children, relations, friends, or companions, with a joy overcast with a little sorrow, upon their bidding adieu to persons who were as dear to them as life, who were setting out on a far distant and very dangerous expedition, from which it was uncertain whether they ever would return, though they flattered themselves with the hopes that it would be successful. The foreigners came thither to gratify their eyes with a sight which was highly worthy their curiosity; for no single city in the world had ever fitted out so gallant a fleet. Those indeed which had been sent against Epidaurus and Potidea, were as considerable with regard to the number of soldiers and ships; but they were not equipped with so much magnificence, neither was their voyage so long, nor their enterprise so important. Here were seen a land and naval army, provided with the utmost care, and at the expense of private individuals as well as of the public, with all things necessary on account of the length of the voyage, and the duration of the war. The city furnished a hundred empty galleys, that is, sixty light ones, and forty to transport the soldiers heavily armed. Every mariner received daily a drachm, or ten pence French, for his pay, exclusively of what the captains of ships gave the rowers of the first bench.* Add to this, the pomp and magnificence that was displayed universally, every one striving to excel the rest, and each captain endeavouring to make his ship the lightest, and at the same time the gayest in the whole fleet. I shall not take notice of the choice of the soldiers and seamen, who were the flower of the Athenians; nor of their emulation with regard to the beauty and neatness of their arms and equipage: nor of their officers, who had laid out considerable sums merely to distinguish themselves, and to give foreigners an advantageous idea of their persons and circumstances; so that this sight had the air of a tournament, in which the utmost magnificence is displayed, rather than of a warlike expedition. But the boldness and greatness of the design still exceeded its expense and splendour.

When the ships were loaded, and the troops got on board, the trumpet sounded, and solemn prayers were offered up for the success of the expedition; gold and silver cups were filling every where with wine, and the accustomed libations were poured out: the people who lined the shore shouting at the same time, and lifting up their hands to heaven, to wish their fellow-citizens a good voyage and success. When the hymn was sung, and the ceremonies were ended, the ships sailed one after another out of the harbour; after which they strove to outsail one another, till the whole fleet met at Ægina. From thence it made for Corcyra, where the army of the allies was assembling with the rest of the fleet.†

SECTION IX.-SYRACUSE IS ALARMED. THE ATHENIAN FLEET ARRIVES IN SICILY.

ADVICE of this expedition coming to Syracuse from all quarters, it was thought so improbable, that at first nobody would believe it. But as it was more and more confirmed every day, the Syracusans began to think seriously

* They were called Igavira. They had longer oars than the rest, and consequently more trouble Thucyd, p. 430-432, Diod. 1. xiii. p. 195.

rowing.

of making the necessary preparations, and sent deputations to every part of the island, to ask assistance of some, and send succours to others. They gar risoned all the castles and forts in the country; reviewed all the soldiers and horses; examined the arms in the magazines; and settled and prepared all things, as if the enemy had been in their country.*

In the mean time the fleet sailed in three squadrons, each under the command of its particular general. It consisted of a hundred and thirty-six ships, une hundred of which belonged to Athens, and the rest to the allies. On board these ships were five thousand heavy-armed soldiers, two thousand two hundred of whom were Athenian citizens, viz. fifteen hundred of those who had estates, and seven hundred who had none, but were equally citizens; the rest consisted of allies. With regard to the light infantry, there were eighty archers of Crete, and four hundred of other countries; seven hundred Rhodian slingers, and one hundred and twenty exiles of Megara. There was but one company of horse, consisting of thirty troopers, who had embarked on board a vessel proper for transporting cavalry. Both the fleet and the land forces were afterwards increased considerably. Thirty vessels carried the provisions and cooks, with masons, carpenters, and their several tools; the whole followed by one hundred small vessels for the service, exclusive of merchant-ships, of which there were great numbers. All this fleet had sailed together for Corcyra. Having met with but an indifferent reception from the people of Tarentum and Locris, they sailed with a favourable wind for Rhegium, where they made some stay. The Athenians were very urgent with the inhabitants of Rhegium to succour those of Leontium, who came originally from Chalcis as well as themselves : but these answered that they were determined to remain neutral, and to undertake nothing but in concert with the rest of Italy. Here they debated on the manner in which it was necessary to carry on the war, and waited for the coming up of those ships that had been sent out to make discoveries of a proper place for landing, and to inquire whether the citizens of Egesta had got their money ready. Upon their return, they brought advice that they had but thirty talents in the treasury. This Nicias had foreseen, but no regard had been paid to his salutary counsels.

He did not fail, the instant this news was brought, to expatiate on the counsel he had given in Athens; to show the wrong step they had taken in engaging in this war; and to magnify the fatal consequences which might be expected from it; in all which he acted very imprudently. It was extremely judicious in Nicias to oppose it in the beginning, and to set every engine at work to crush, if possible, this ill-fated project. But as it was resolved, and he himself had accepted the command, he ought not to be perpetually looking backward, nor to have repeated incessantly, that this war had been undertaken in opposition to all the maxims of prudence; and, by that means, to cool the ardour of his two colleagues in the command, to dispirit the soldiers, and blunt that edge of confidence and ardour, which assure the success of great enterprises. The Athenians, on the contrary, ought to have advanced boldly towards the enemy; should have attacked them with vigour, and have spread a universal terror, by a sudden and unexpected descent.‡

But Nicias acted in a quite different manner. His opinion, in the council of war, was, that they should sail for Selinuntum, which had been the first occasion of this expedition; and then if the citizens of Egesta performed their pro mise, and gave a month's pay to the army, to proceed forward; or otherwise to oblige them to furnish provisions for the sixty galleys they had demanded, and continue in that road till they should have concluded a peace with the citizens of Selinuntum, either by force of arms or some other way. He said, that they afterwards should return to Athens, after having thus made a parade of their forces, and the assistance they gave their allies; unless they should have an opportunity of making some attempt in favour of the Leontines, or of bringing over some city into their alliance.

Thucyd. 1. i. p. 132-445. Diod, 1. xiii. p. 135, 136. + These were called Inves

Plut. in Nic, p. 532.

Alcibiades answered, that it would be inglorious, after their sailing out with so noble a fleet, to return without doing any thing; and that they should first endeavour to conclude an alliance with the Greeks and barbarians, in order to divide them from the Syracusans, and procure troops and provisions from them; and especially to send a deputation to Messina, which was a kind of key to Sicily, and its harbour capacious enough to hold all the fleet. He declared further, that after seeing who were their friends and who were their enemies, and strengthening themselves by the addition of a new reinforcement, they then should attack either Selinuntum or Syracuse, in case the one should refuse to conclude a peace with Egesta, and the other not permit the Leontines to re turn to their city.

Lamachus offered a third opinion, which perhaps was the most prudent; that was, to sail directly for Syracuse, before its citizens had time to recover from their surprise, or prepare for their defence. He observed, that the sudden arrival of an armed force always strikes the greatest terror; and that, when enemies are allowed time to reflect and make preparations, it also revives their courage; whereas, when they are suddenly attacked, and still in confusion, they are generally overcome; that, as they would be masters of the open country, they should not be in want of any thing, but, on the contrary, would oblige the Sicilians to declare for them: that at last they should settle in Megara, which was quite desert, and a near neighbour to Syracuse, and there lay up their fleet in safety. However, his counsel not being followed, he agreed to that of Alcibiades. Accordingly, they sailed for Sicily, where Alcibiades took Catana by surprise.

SECTION X.-ALCIBIADES RECALLED, &c. &c.

All

THIS was the only exploit performed by Alcibiades in this expedition, he being immediately recalled by the Athenians, in order to be tried upon the accusation laid against him. For, since the departure of the fleet, his enemies, who had no regard to the welfare of their country, and who, upon the specious pretence of religion, which is often made a cloak to cover the darkest designs, meditated nothing but satiating their hatred and revenge, taking advantage of his absence, had proceeded in the affair with greater rigour than ever. those against whom informations were lodged were thrown into prison, without so much as being suffered to be heard, and that too on the evidence of the most profligate and abandoned citizens, as if, says Thucydides, it was not as great a crime to punish the innocent, as to suffer the guilty to escape. One of the informers was proved to be perjured by his own words, having declared that he saw and knew one of the accused by moonlight; whereas it appeared, that there was no moon at that time. But notwithstanding this manifest perjury, the populace were as furious as ever. The remembrance of the tyranny of the Pisistratidæ made them apprehensive of a similar attempt; and strongly possessed with this fear, they would not give ear to any thing.*

At last they sent out the Salaminian galley,† ordering the captain not to carry off Alcibiades by force, for fear of raising a tumult in the army; but only to order him to return to Athens, to pacify the people by his presence. Alcibiades obeyed the order, and went immediately on board his galley; but the instant he was arrived at Thurium, and had got on shore, he disappeared, and eluded the pursuit of those who sought after him. Being asked, whether he would not rely on his country, with regard to the judgment it might pass on him: "I would not," said he," rely on my mother, lest she should inadvertently mistake a black bean for a white one." The galley of Salamin returned without the commander, who was ashamed of having suffered his prisoner to escape him in that manner. Alcibiades was sentenced to die for his contumacy. His whole estate was confiscated, and all priests and priestesses, were commanded to curse him. Among the latter was one named Theano,

*Thucyd. I. vi. p. 446450. Plut. in Alcib. p. 202.

This was a sacred vessel, appointed to bring criminals.

The judges made use of beans in giving their suffrages, and the black bean denoted condemnation

who alone had the courage to oppose this decree, saying, "that she had been appointed priestess, not to curse but to bless."* Some time after, news being brought him that the Athenians had condemned him to die," I shall make them sensible," said he, " that I am alive.'

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Much about this time Diagoras the Melian was prosecuted at Athens. He had settled himself in that city, where he taught atheism, and was brought to trial for his poisonous doctrine.† Diagoras escaped the punishment which would have been inflicted on him, by flying from the city; but he could_not wipe off the ignominy of the sentence which condemned him to death. The Athenians had so great an abhorrence for the impious principles inculcated by him, that they even set a price upon his head, and promised a reward of a talent to any man who should bring him, dead or alive.‡

About twenty years before, a similar circumstance had happened to Protagoras, for having only treated the same question by way of problem. He had said in the beginning of one of his books: "Whether the gods do or do not exist, is a question which I know not whether I ought to affirm or deny for our understandings are too much clouded, and the life of man is too short, for the solution of so nice and difficult a point." But the Athenians could not bear to have a subject of this nature made a matter of doubt; and for this reason they ordered proclamation to be made by the public crier, for all persons who had any copies of this book, to bring them to the magistrates: after which they were burnt as infamous and impious pieces, and the author was banished for ever from all the territories of the Athenians.§

Diagoras and Protagoras had been the disciples of Democritus, who first invented the philosophy of atoms. I shall speak of him in another place.

From the departure of Alcibiades, Nicias had possessed the whole authority for Lamachus his colleague, though a man of bravery and experience, was however in no credit, because of his extreme poverty, for which he was despised by the soldiers. But the Athenians were not always of this way of thinking; for we have seen that Aristides, poor as he was, was not less esteemed and respected on that account: but in this last expedition, the people in general had imbibed a passion for luxury and magnificence; the natural consequence of which is a love of riches. As Nicias, therefore, governed solely, all his actions were of the same cast with his disposition, that is, timid and dilatory; he suffered every thing to languish, sometimes either by lying still, and undertaking nothing, sometimes by only sailing along the coast, or losing time in consulting and deliberating; all which soon suppressed, on one side, the ardour and confidence the troops expressed at first; and on the other, the fear and terror with which the enemy had been seized at the sight of so formidable an armament. He besieged Hybla; and though it was but a small city, he was, however, obliged to raise the siege some days after, which brought him into the highest contempt. He retired at last to Catana, after having performed but one exploit, viz. the ruining of Hyccara, a small town inhabited by barbarians, from which place, it is said that Lais the courtezan, at that time very young, was sold with the rest of the captives, and carried to Peloponnesus. In the mean time, Alcibiades having left Thurium, arrived at Argos; and as he quite despaired of ever being recalled home, he sent a messenger to the Spartans, desiring leave to reside among them, under their guard and protection. He promised in the most solemn manner, that if they would consider him as their friend, he would perform greater service for their state, than he before had done injuries to it. The Spartans received him with open arms; and soon after his arrival in their city he gained the love and esteem of all its inhabitants. He charmed, and even enchanted them, by his conforming himself so readily to their way of living. Those who saw Alcibiades shave himself to the skin, bathe in cold water, eat of the coarse, heavy cakes, which

* Φάσκεσα εὐχῶν οἱ καταβῶν ἱέρειαν γεγονέναι. ↑ Joseph. contr. App. Diod. I. xiii. p. 137. Diog. Laër. in Protag. Joseph. contr. App. Cic. 1. i. de Nat. Deo. n. 62. Thucyd. 1. vi. p. 452, 353. Plut. in Nic. F. 533.

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