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The penancers, after | lying words are here commingled with holy and Christian expressions!

money, every one.
having again set forth to each, individually,
the greatness of the indulgence, put this
question to the penitents: "How much
money can you in conscience spare
to obtain so perfect a remission?" This
question, says the instruction of the
archbishop of Mentz to the sub-commis-
sioners, must be put at this moment, in
order that the penitents may be thereby
better disposed to contribute.

No other preparations whatever were
required, on the part of the people, than
those we have mentioned. In the pope's
bull there was, at least, mention of re-
pentance of heart, and confession by
mouth;
but Tetzel and his companions
took good care to say nothing of this:
their purses would otherwise have re-
mained empty.

The mission ended, the merchants regaled themselves after their labours. The commissioner-general's instructions forbade them, it is true, to frequent public houses and suspected places; but they cared little for this prohibition. Sins could not have had many terrors for people who made so easy a trade of them. "The collectors led a bad life," says a Roman Catholic historian; "they spent in the public-houses, gaming-houses, and houses of ill-fame, all that the people spared from their necessities." It is even asserted, positively, that they made it an occasional practice, in the public houses, to play at dice for the salvation of souls.

Thus Tetzel himself was preparing the Reformation by the outrageous abuses he was guilty of, he was paving the way for a purer doctrine; and the indignation he was kindling in a body of generous youths, was one day to burst forth with vehemence. Some idea of the force of this feeling may be derived from the fol

A Saxon gentleman, who had heard Tetzel at Leipsic, had felt indignant at his falsehoods. Going up to the monk, he asks him whether he had the right of pardoning the sins which it is intended to commit. "Certainly," replies Tetzel, “I have received full power so to do from the pope." "Very well," rejoins the gentleman, "I should like to inflict a little vengeance on one of my enemies, without attempting his life. I will give you ten crowns, if you will give me a letter of indulgence, justifying me fully with regard to that matter. Tetzel made some objections; they agreed, however, at last, and the bargain was struck for twenty crowns.

The following is one of the letters of absolution. It is worth while to know the contents of one of those diplomas that occasioned the reformation of the church: "Our Lord Jesus Christ have pity on thee, N. N., and absolve thee by the merits of his most holy passion! And I,lowing anecdote. by virtue of the apostolic power which has been confided to me, do absolve thee from all ecclesiastical censures, judgments, and penalties, which thou mayest have merited; also, from all excesses, sins, and crimes, which thou mayest have committed, however great and enormous they may be, and for whatsoever cause, even though they had been reserved to our most holy father the pope, and the apostolic see. I efface all attainders of unfitness, and all marks of infamy thou mayest have drawn upon thee on this occasion; I remit the punishments thou shouldest have had to endure in purgatory; I make thee anew a participator in the sacraments of the church; I incorporate thee afresh in the communion of the saints, and I reinstate thee in the innocence and purity in which thou wast at the hour of thy baptism; so that at the hour of thy death, the gate, through which is the entrance to the place of torments and punishments, shall be closed against thee; and on the contrary, that which leads to the paradise of joy shall be open to thee. And shouldest thou not be to die soon, this grace shall remain immutable to the time of thy last end.

"In the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen. "Brother John Tetzel, commissioner, has signed it with his own hand."

How dexterously presumptuous and

Soon after this, the monk set off from Leipsic. The gentleman, accompanied by his valets, waited for him in a wood between Jüterbock and Treblen, and rushing upon him as he came up, had him moderately cudgelled, and carried off the rich indulgence-coffer which the inquisitor was conveying with him. Tetzel made a furious outcry about this act of violence, and laid his complaint before the magistrates. The gentleman, however, showing the letter which Tetzel himself had signed, and which exempted the delinquent beforehand from all penalty, duke George, who had been at first greatly incensed at the deed, ordered that the accused should be fully acquitted.-From D'Aubigné.

ENGLISH HISTORY.

CHARLES I.

THERE was now no doubt that a civil war had begun; and that, after an interval of a century and a half, the fields of our island were again to be drenched with the blood of men of England, slain by their fellow-countrymen.

The royalists did not feel much confidence, when the king raised his standard at Nottingham, August 22, 1642. He was advised to retire to York, as the earl of Essex was concentrating the parliamentary forces at Northampton. Charles refused, but consented to send the earl of Southampton and Dorset, with sir John Culpepper, to London, thinking that if the parliament would not treat, the people would be less willing to support their cause. The parliament declined entering into any negotiations, unless the king would take down his standard, and recall some late proclamations. This was not listened to, and prince Rupert, the son of the late palatine, by the king's sister, having arrived, strongly urged hostilities. At the head of some cavalry, he made a hasty expedition through several of the midland counties, raising soldiers for the king's army; and committing acts of violence and military pillage on the country through which he passed, hitherto unknown in England, though practised throughout Germany during the thirty years' war.

The marquis of Hertford was engaged in raising troops in the west; and about the middle of September, the king marched from Nottingham to join him. His army did not commit the same outrages as the troops of prince Rupert; and whilst on the march, he made a public and solemn declaration, that his intention was strictly to support the true Protestant religion, the laws and liberties of the kingdom, and the just privileges of parliament. People, however, could not but recollect, that though he had lately issued a proclamation at York, forbidding Papists to join his army, yet there were many at court and in the camp, and he was on his march to unite with others, then taking up arms in his behalf; and only a few days afterwards he wrote to the earl of Newcastle, in the north, not to inquire into the opinions of the men offering to serve, if they were loyalists. Such a course rendered many men unwilling to give the confidence to this unhappy king's declarations, which they would otherwise have obtained; still they

made considerable impression, and the number of his troops increased.

The royal army arrived at Shrewsbury on September 20, where they were well received, the king still pursuing measures of mildness and persuasion. Here he raised considerable sums of money, the Romanists in particular assisting. Lord Spencer, then in attendance at Shrewsbury, did not hesitate to write, that the king was averse to peace, and that there was much reason for apprehension, if the king and his immediate supporters should prevail.

The earl of Essex having secured Warwickshire, set forward to intercept the king's march to the west. After defeating prince Rupert, he occupied Worcester, where he remained. A month's stay at Shrewsbury increased the royal army, and the king determined to leave the earl of Essex, and march direct for London. He began this march on October 20, halting on the 22nd at Edgehill, on the borders of Warwickshire and Oxfordshire, the parliamentary army occupying the adjacent village of Keinton, the same evening. Their march was so hasty, that a part of the troops were not come up; and, by the advice of his council, the king resolved to turn, and attack Essex.

On the morning of Sunday, October 23, the royal army appeared drawn up on Edgehill: the parliamentarians were arranged on the lower ground. For some hours the armies stood facing each other, as though both were reluctant to begin the fatal affray; but at two o'clock Essex ordered his artillery to fire. The royalists then advanced; Rupert charged with his cavalry, and routed the troops opposed to him, but rashly pursued the fugitives to Keinton, where his followers plundered the baggage. Meanwhile, the centre of the parliamentarians repulsed their opponents. Sir Edward Varney, the king's standard bearer, was slain, and the general, the earl of Lindsay, being mortally wounded, was taken prisoner. Prince Rupert returned too late to remedy this disaster; but the parliamentarians, from want of ammunition, or some other cause, did not pursue their advantage. The royal army continued in its original position on the high ground, while Essex occupied the field of contest, strewed, as it is estimated, with the dead bodies of more than four thousand English, thus slaughtered by their countrymen. On the following day, the earl retired to Warwick, counselled by his officers, who had

served on the continent, and were not | iary officers, forbore the attack, and the eager to close the war, though against king was allowed to retire to Oxford unthe wish of Hollis and others. The king molested. drew off to Banbury, while Rupert, on the Tuesday night, attacked Keinton with a party of horse, putting to death many of the sick and wounded, with his accustomed barbarity.

The news of the battle was soon carried to London by fugitives, whose reports excited much alarm; but when farther intelligence was received, the parliament claimed the victory. Certainly the battle retarded the advance of the royalists upon London, though it would not have prevented it, had the king pursued his previous determination. His delay was a mistake fatal to his success, though even his council did not wish him to regain power by conquest. The king first turned aside to Oxford, where he was joyfully received by the university. Many gentlemen, who had hitherto stood aloof, joined the royalists; these cavaliers enabled prince Rupert again to advance with a marauding party, who proceeded as far as Staines, exciting much alarm in the metropolis, and causing the parliament to have recourse to active measures for increasing their army. The apprentices were encouraged to enlist, and considerable support was drawn from the eastern counties, then organizing under Oliver Cromwell. On November 7, Essex arrived in London, quartering his army in the towns and villages on the western side. From Oxford the king proceeded to Reading, and afterwards advanced to Colnbrook, where he was met by the earl of Northumberland and three commoners, with a petition for pacific measures. The king returned a favourable answer, on which the parliament ordered Essex to suspend hostilities; but the instructions were hardly given, when the sound of cannon called the general from the House of Lords. Hastening towards Brentford, he found that, notwithstanding his peaceable answer, the king had ordered an attack upon that town, under the cover of a thick fog; but the regiment of Hollis resisted, till reinforcements were brought, and the royalists gave up the attempt.

Sunday, November 24, was desecrated, by the preparations for a conflict. Essex then was at the head of 24,000 men; all was ready for an assault on the royal army. Troops were already moving, to intercept the king's retreat, when Essex again, under the advice of his stipend

During the winter, the military operations were confined to predatory and marauding expeditions, each party strengthening itself for farther proceedings. In March, negotiations were entered upon; Northumberland and others were received as commissioners from the parliament, offering to negotiate on the following terms: that the king should disband his army, and return to the parliament; that delinquents, as the principal supporters of the king's measures were called, should be left for trial; that Papists should be disarmed; that the bishops should be done away, and a general pardon granted; excluding, however, some of the most staunch supporters of the throne.

These terms did not indicate much sincerity in the desires professed by the parliament for peace. The king, on the other hand, required that his revenue, garrisons, and ships should be restored; that whatever had been done contrary to his right, and all acts of illegal power by the parliament, should be recalled and disclaimed, offering that he would consent to the execution of the laws against Papists, provided that the sectaries might not prevail; and that all persons left out of the pardon should be tried by their peers.

The treaty, as might be expected, was broken off, after several weeks' conferences: meanwhile hostile movements proceeded. Reading was taken by the earl of Essex, when Hampden again advised bold measures, and the investment of Oxford, a step which would probably have ended the war, as that city was not prepared for a siege; but Essex evidently was averse to bold designs, probably dreading the consequences of an unconditional triumph over the king, and he continued inactive at Reading for several weeks.

The warfare proceeded in other parts of England with different success. Waller gained advantages for the parliament, occupying Portsmouth and Winchester, and penetrating to Hereford. In the north, the queen landed on February 22, 1643, at Burlington; she was conducted to York by the earl of Newcastle, who was stronger than Fairfax his opponent; but the warfare was desultory, and the attacks only partial.

The king remained inactive at Oxford for want of ammunition; but in May he

received a supply from York, upon which he again offered terms to the parliament; these were not listened to, and the Commons even impeached the queen of treason! The excitement against the royalists was increased about this time, by the discovery of a design of Waller and others, to deliver the city of London to the king's forces. The leader gave up his associates, and was allowed to escape after paying a heavy fine, while his brother-in-law, and another, were hanged. After this, the Commons made a solemn engagement not to consent to peace while the Papists were protected; they caused a great seal to be made, on which the houses of parliament were represented, and ordered an assembly of divines to meet for settling religion.

these pages, it is our business to record particulars which may throw light upon the proceedings of all parties, and the following extract is in this view important. The same writer "The paysays: ment of civil obedience to the king and the laws of the land satisfied not; if any durst dispute his impositions in the worship of God, he was presently reckoned among the seditious and disturbers of the public peace, and accordingly persecuted: if any out of mere morality and civil honesty discountenanced the abominations of those days, he was a puritan, however he conformed to their superstitious worship; if any showed favour to any godly honest person, kept them company, relieved them in want, or protected them against violent or unjust oppression, he In the west, a plot was detected for was a puritan; whoever could endure a seizing Bristol for the king; two of the sermon, modest habit, or conversation, or leaders were hanged on a charge of hav- anything good, all these were puritans; ing acted as spies. The king, as he and if puritans, then enemies to the king had previously done, declared that he and his government, seditious factious would execute some of his prisoners; but hypocrites, ambitious disturbers of the retaliation having been threatened, both public peace, and finally the pest of the parties continued to treat all taken under kingdom. Thus the two factions, in those ordinary circumstances, as prisoners of war. days, grew up to great heights and enAmidst the many very painful matters mities, one against the other; while the that attended this civil war, it is some Papists wanted not industry and subtlety satisfaction to Englishmen to think, that to blow the coals between them, and were the cruel ferocity which has been dis- so successful that, unless the mercy of God played elsewhere, in similar scenes, was confound them by their own imaginaseldom manifested, and not in any sys- tions, we may justly fear they will, at tematic course. May not this be partly last, obtain their full wish." But Mrs. attributed to the greater prevalence of Hutchinson adds: "The puritan party Christian knowledge among the lower being weak and oppressed, had not faith classes of England at this period, than enough to disown all that adhered to has existed at any time in those lands them for worldly interests, and indeed it which are benighted in the ignorance of required more than human wisdom to Popery? discern all of them; wherefore they, in their low condition, gladly accepted any that would come over to them, and their enemies, through envy, augment much their party, while with injuries and reproaches they drove many that never intended it to take that party; which, in the end, got nothing but confusion by those additions." Such are the painful results to which violent proceedings will lead; and designing men always will be found, who take advantage of party spirit and party proceedings, when carried to any length, though even in resisting what is unjust. It is deeply to be regretted that political leaders will not learn from past events. The history of this civil war, between the king and the people, is replete with instruction for all succeeding generations. Oh that men would be wise, and consider it!

Mrs. Hutchinson, a contemporary writer, thus speaks of the times: "It was not in the midnight of Popery, nor in the dawn of the gospel's restored day, when light and shades were blended, and almost undistinguished; but when the Sun of truth was exalted in his progress, and hastening towards a meridian glory. It was, indeed, early in the morning, God being pleased to allow me the privilege of beholding the admirable growth of gospel light in my days; and oh, that my soul may never forget to bless and praise his name for the wonders of power and goodness, wisdom and truth, which have been manifested in my time!"

Many, however, have misrepresented the great mass of the supporters of the parliament as a brutal and ferocious set of men. This is not a fair statement. In

SERPENT CHARMING.*

THE prophet Jeremiah writes, "For, behold, I will send serpents, cockatrices, among you, which will not be charmed, and they shall bite you, saith the Lord," Jer. viii. 17. And the Psalmist says, "Their poison is like the poison of a serpent: they are like the deaf adder that stoppeth her ear; which will not hearken to the voice of charmers, charming never so wisely," Psa. lviii. 4, 5.

The charming or incantation of serpents is so singular, that many have denied the fact altogether; and some have asserted that it is an imposture, or deception; tame snakes, previously instructed, being always exhibited. We believe it to be a fact, that serpents can be charmed; in other words, we believe them to be susceptible, in the extreme, of impressions from musical notes, and peculiarly modulated sounds, under which they writhe their bodies from the sensations of pleasure which they experience; while, to these movements, the charmers know how to adapt the time of their simple strain, or succession of notes.

The ancients were acquainted with this fact. Hence, Orpheus is said to have silenced, by his music, the hissings of the snake-headed Cerberus.

"Cerberus Orpheo lenivit sibila cantu."-LUCAN.

He knew how to still the hissing of the serpent when approaching, and render the snake harmless.

Pliny and Seneca both assert, that serpents can be drawn from their lurking places by the power of music. Modern travellers and writers have alluded to the same facts, or to the influence of music on these reptiles. Chardin, Greaves, Shaw, Bruce, and others, might here be cited. Chateaubriand, "Beauties of Christianity,' affirms the same with respect to the rattlesnake of America. According to his account, a snake of this species once entered the encampment of his party in Canada. A Canadian, who could play the flute, advanced, by way of diversion, with this magic instrument, against the reptile. "On the approach of its enemy, the haughty reptile curled itself into a spiral line, flattened its head, inflated its cheeks, contracted its lips, displayed its envenomed fangs, and its bloody throat; its double tongue glowed like two flames of fire; its eyes were burning coals; its body, swollen with rage, rose and fell

* From Natural History of Reptiles, just published by the Religious Tract Society.

like the bellows of a forge; its dilated skin assumed a dull and scaly appearance; and its rattle, which sounded the denunciation of death, vibrated with extreme velocity. The Canadian now began to play upon his flute: the serpent started with surprise, and drew back its head. In proportion as it was struck with the magic effect, its eyes lost their fierceness, the vibrations of its tail became slower, and the sound which it emitted gradually became weaker and ceased. The folds of the fascinated serpent became less perpendicular upon their spiral line, expanded by degrees, and sunk one after another upon the ground, forming concentric circles. The colours recovered their brilliancy on its quivering skin; and slightly turning its head, it remained motionless in the attitude of attention and pleasure. At this moment, the Canadian advanced a few steps, producing with his flute sweet and simple notes. The reptile inclining its variegated neck, opened a passage with its head through the high grass, and began to creep after the musician, stopping when he stopped, and following him again as soon as he moved forward." In this manner, to the astonishment both of Europeans and natives, he was led out of the camp; and it was unanimously decreed, that the life of of sweet sounds," should be spared. a creature, so sensible of "the concord

The serpents upon which the charmers in Egypt and India exercise their art, are chiefly cobras; perhaps because these reptiles, from their size, and the deadliness of their venom, offer the most convincing and surprising proofs of their skill. These men are, generally, of a separate and distinct caste, or tribe, and arrogate, as might be expected, more credit for their powers than they really are entitled to. They throw an air of mystery over their operations, which has led many to give them no credit at all. of "India Field Sports, Mr. Johnson, for example, in his sketches professed snake-catchers in India, are a low caste of Hindoos, wonderfully clever in catching snakes, as well as in practising the art of legerdemain: they pretend to draw them from their holes by a resembling an Irish bagpipe, on which song, and by an instrument somewhat they play a plaintive tune. The truth is, this is all done to deceive. If ever a snake comes out of a hole at the sound of their music, you may be certain that it is a tame one, trained to it, deprived of its

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