網頁圖片
PDF
ePub 版

Underwood

Effect of

change

The floor leader of the minority

fortunate in the choice of their floor leader, Oscar W. Underwood. He had been a member of the House since 1895 and had served on the Committee on Ways and Means from the position of last member for the minority until in 1911 he became chairman. He was thoroughly cognizant of the work of the committee and could speak with authority upon all phases of the tariff. Lacking perhaps the keenness of Williams and the oratory of Clark, the preceding leaders, he had solid common sense and great knowledge, and attained a personal popularity second only to that of Speaker Clark. He was a genuine leader. In the caucus held preliminary to the 62d Congress Clark was nominated Speaker, while Underwood was chosen chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, charged with the framing of the tariff. In addition, the caucus voted to vest in the committee the nomination of other committees. His position was vastly different from that of previous floor leaders, and from those under the Republican régime, when the appointment of the committees was vested in the Speaker. He became thus the most powerful man in the House, able to control not only the action of the caucus but of the House as well.

Since 1911, then, the power of the organization has not diminished; in fact, the pressure of the party organization is felt more, but it is the organization of the party in caucus rather than the personal organization of the Speaker. Moreover, this organization is directed from the floor, instead of being controlled by the Speaker utilizing his parliamentary powers as a presiding officer for party ends. The discipline of the Democrats seemed almost as good as that of the Republicans during their control of the House, and there is less dissatisfaction among the majority than there was under the old system.

[ocr errors]

The functions of the floor leader of the minority are similar to those of the leader of the majority except that he is always unsuccessful. Towards his own party he occupies much the şame position as the leader of the majority he must lead, must be able to influence, persuade, and control. He initiates the policy of opposition, makes the formal motions in opposition to the party in power, opens the debate for the minority, and allots the time to the members of his own party. Before 1911

he served as one of the minority members of some committee, but since that time James R. Mann, the Republican leader, has taken no committee assignment, but has devoted all his time and attention to his work on the floor.

of leadership

While it would be too much to say that the floor leaders Development operate as those in the British House of Commons, yet the criticism made by Lord Bryce in 1888 that there were no responsible leaders in Congress is less true to-day. The floor leaders are not responsible in a parliamentary sense as are the cabinet ministers in Great Britain, yet party control has greatly strengthened them, and with it has come a development of their power and a fixing of responsibility upon them.

The parties in the Senate do not choose floor leaders. Personal influence combined sometimes with the chairmanship of a committee acting upon important measures gives to different members at different times a position somewhat analogous to that of the floor leaders in the House. Nevertheless, if not from actual choice, certain members are tacitly recognized and followed as the leaders of their respective parties.

THE COMMITTEE ON RULES

As an instrument of party organization and leadership the Committee on Rules is most important. Before 1910 it was a small committee of five appointed by the Speaker who always designated himself as one member. Hence it was sometimes referred to as the Speaker and his two assistants- the minority members not being considered. The importance of the committee lies not so much in the fact that it nominally reports amendments to the rules and procedure of the House, as in the fact that at any time it may report a special rule. Moreover, since the chairman of the committee on making his report may at the same time move the "previous question," which limits debate to one hour, it gives to the committee a very real and actual control of the business of the House.

Floor

leaders in

the Senate

The nominal and actual committee

function

duties of this

of the committee

Legislation in the House under the ordinary rules is a very The power difficult and slow process, with many opportunities for possible amendments and delay. Hence much of the actual work of the to control House is done under unanimous consent or special rule. It is

legislation

The Committee on Rules before 1911

Changes in

1911

Effect of

here that the power of the Committee on Rules is important and all-pervasive. As has been said, it may report at any time. a special rule. This rule may determine the order of business; that is, it may interrupt the discussion of a measure and substitute another. It may do even more than that; it may limit the debate and fix the time for the final vote on the measure. It may decree that no amendments shall be offered and that the measure shall be voted on as reported, or it may designate certain sections which shall be open to certain amendments. Finally, it may substitute one measure for another, combine several measures, or prepare what is practically a new measure, on which the House must vote at a designated time. The committee, moreover, may conduct preliminary investigations preparatory to reporting a special rule to the House. It was before the Committee on Rules that the question of the "leak" of the president's message was investigated because of Mr. Lawson's sensational charges in 1916.

As has been seen, it was the custom of the Republicans to vest this power in a small committee appointed by the Speaker, who was himself a member. This, with the Speaker's appointment of the other committees and his power of recognition, tended to make him all-powerful in the matter of legislation. In March, 1911, a combination of dissatisfied Republicans and Democrats altered this custom. The Committee on Rules is now elected by the House, and the Speaker is no longer a member. The number, moreover, is increased from five to ten, four from the minority and six from the majority; but the powers and functions of the committee are still the same, and thus it still has the power to direct the procedure and the form of legislation in other words, it is still the steering committee of the House.

Since, however, the members are no longer appointed by the these changes Speaker, their election depends upon the action of the Committee on Committees, and the majority of the caucus. Thus the party as a whole is, formally at least, consulted. Moreover, since the development of the powers of the floor leader, powers dependent largely upon his personal ascendancy and influence over the House, the Committee on Rules cannot afford to

antagonize him. The net result of the changes since 1911, therefore, has been to divide the power of the Speaker into three parts: one, and that the smallest, is retained by the Speaker; a second, and perhaps the largest and most constantly used, is given to the floor leader; while a third, and that of final authority, is wielded by the Committee on Rules.

in the Senate

The Committee on Rules in the Senate has no such functions The Commitas has the House Committee. Special rules are unknown, and tee on Rules the rules committee of the Senate is charged with preparing amendments to the existing rules, which shall be of a permanent nature. The so-called steering committee of the Senate is an informal conference between influential leaders who agree among themselves what shall be done, but who have no such parliamentary status as the rules committee of the House.

The Senate

a continuous

assembly

The House of
Representa-

organized at the opening

of each Congress

CHAPTER XIII

CONGRESS AT WORK (CONTINUED)

THE ORGANIZATION OF CONGRESS

When Congress assembles either in extraordinary session or at the regularly appointed date, the Senate is a fully organized body, while the House is not. By the Constitution the terms of one third of the senators expire every two years, so that there is always a majority of the senators in office, a quorum, capable of doing business. The vice president, moreover, is the presiding officer, and holds his position independently of senatorial election; hence, except in very rare instances of disputed presidential elections, there is no question of organization before the Senate. It is quite otherwise with the House. At the end of each tives must be Congress the terms of all the members and officers expire. The present House cannot bind or prescribe the organization of the succeeding House. Only the Constitution or a statute can do that. As a result, on the assembling of Congress the House presents the curious spectacle of over four hundred members elect, having no legally recognized status and no organization. By precedent and rule, which has no legal force, the clerk of the preceding.Congress prepares a temporary roll from the credentials of the members elect. In so doing he may leave off from the roll, because of contests or faulty credentials, a sufficient number to alter the party strength of the House. This was done in 1839 when the clerk, Hugh A. Garland, left off of the roll all the contestants from New Jersey, explaining that he had no authority to settle contests. By so doing he enabled his party to elect its candidate for Speaker and himself as clerk.1

1 De A. S. Alexander, History and Procedure of the House of Representatives, pp. 14-18.

« 上一頁繼續 »