1912 leads to formation of Moose,"

campaign of

"Bull

or Progres

sive, party

good legislation was passed. But the Republican party was divided. A radical, or progressive, element was demanding the solution of the issues just described, in a manner not acceptable to the more conservative leaders. President Taft himself, although liberal in particular laws, was resolutely opposed to the adoption of any of the constitutional changes looking towards a more direct democracy. In 1911 the second Congress of his administration was Democratic, thus showing the popular trend of public opinion. The campaign of 1912 is interesting in many respects. For Preëlection the first time the device of the direct primary was tried in many states. By this the people expressed their preference directly in the choice of delegates to the nominating convention, and these were pledged to one candidate or another. In the Republican party Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Taft contested the nomination, and although Roosevelt obtained a majority of the delegates chosen in the primaries, Taft more than held his own in the states where the delegates were chosen by conventions, and in addition he continued to hold the national committee and the organization of the party. The convention nominated Taft, and Roosevelt and his supporters seceded and formed a Progressive party. Under his lead the Progressive party made a remarkable showing, gaining more than four million votes, nearly a million more than the Republicans, and obtaining eighty-eight votes in the electoral college to the Republicans' eight. The Democrats, however, Democratic obtained more than six million votes and four hundred and thirty-five electoral votes. Another interesting phenomenon was that in spite of the fact that both the Democratic and Progressive parties put forth platforms distinctly socialistic and attractive to the radicals, the Socialist party more than doubled its vote, although it failed to carry any state.

success

"The New Freedom"

The Democrats nominated Governor Wilson of New Jersey Wilson and on a platform which advocated tariff for revenue only, dissolution of trusts and criminal prosecution of the officers, and additional legislation to make it impossible for private monopoly to exist in the United States. In his campaign Wilson outlined his economic theories, which he maintained would establish "The New Freedom." Business, no matter how large, was not to be disturbed as long as it was not guilty of unfair practices.

Wilson's first administration

Economic legislation

Foreign

affairs

Wilson's

second ad

-first half

Trusts, however, had been guilty of unfair practices and, since they were the attempt not to face but to avoid competition, were to be destroyed. The legislation he succeeded in passing during his first term carried out his ideas and provided for a trade commission to supervise interstate business, while the Anti-Trust act was amended to define and prohibit unfair practices. Indeed, during his first administration more measures of prime importance were passed than during any other equal period; the tariff was revised, the Federal Reserve banking system established, the Interstate Commerce Law amended, the Federal Trade Commission established, and the Anti-Trust law amended. Many of these measures were satisfactory to the disaffected of both parties, and he was reëlected, although by a greatly reduced majority.

The last half of Wilson's first administration was complicated by the European war. He succeeded in preserving absolute neutrality, while at the same time bringing to his point of view the public opinion of the different sections of the country. He was bitterly criticized because he neither intervened nor hastened measures for preparedness, but when it became necessary for the United States to enter the war he brought a practically united country behind him. Although the Republicans found countless flaws in the details of his policies, his general aims were everywhere approved. He succeeded in attaching the radical and labor element to his policies by fair treatment or, according to the Republicans, by surrendering to them. Abroad, both among the Allies and even in Austria and Germany, he was looked upon as one of the most authoritative leaders in the war.

Wilson's second administration was sharply divided by the ministration signing of the armistice, November 11, 1918. During the first half of his administration the Democrats controlled both branches of Congress, and the plans of the administration were adopted with little difficulty, sometimes almost unanimously. Indeed, for a time it seemed as if there was truth in the popular phrase Extension of "Politics has adjourned." The war plans of the administration involved a greater extension of the federal power than was ever experienced before. The railroads were taken over by the government, the price of wheat was guaranteed to the producer, the sale of wheat, sugar, and other commodities necessary

federal con

trol

for food and industry was controlled by federal licenses, and all industry and finance felt the power of the government. The War Labor Board attempted, with considerable success, to prevent strikes and lockouts and to keep the essential industries operating at full capacity. In so doing organized labor was recognized as never before and was deferred to in the determination of wages and conditions of employment. In the conduct of foreign affairs and the negotiations which led to the cessation of hostilities President Wilson offended the Senate by not taking them into his confidence but by standing upon his strict constitutional prerogatives. With the end of the war, conditions were suddenly changed. Wilson's The Republicans controlled both Houses of Congress, and the coming of peace put an end to the necessity of seeming unanimity. Both domestic and foreign problems were pressing for settlement, and the relations between the President and Congress were strained. The Senate bitterly resented its exclusion from any share in the negotiations for the peace treaty and viewed Peace treaty with hostile eyes the proposed League. of Nations, as well as

second administration

second half

many of the settlements made by the treaty. Domestic problems Domestic arising from the inevitable reconstruction-after-war conditions problems were pressing for solution. Chief among these was the question of the high cost of living and the consequent necessary wage adjustments and the question of the return of the railroads to the stockholders. Although there was little unemployment, and industry was prospering in every field, there was a feeling of discontent and uncertainty owing to the high prices and the proposal that labor should have an increasing voice in the control of industry.

Purpose of

party organ

tain control

CHAPTER VI

PARTY ORGANIZATIONS

The purpose of party organization is to control the governization to ob- ment. This control is exercised by obtaining possession of the offices. The primary aim, therefore, of a party is to elect its members to office. But the election is only the third and last duty of a party, and in some regions where one party has the necessitates: overwhelming majority it is the least troublesome duty. Before

of the government by the election of officers

(1) Nomination

(2) Declaration of principles

Why there

are no state parties

the election must come the selection of the candidate who shall be the choice of the party. This selection is nomination. After the nomination has been made the candidate must make his appeal to the voters; he must state for what he stands; he must be popular enough to attract votes. This is called the campaign. It is possible therefore to consider the purpose of the party organization under three divisions, nomination, campaign, and election. Another duty may precede even the nomination. This is the declaration of principles, or, as it is called, the framing of the platform. At times this becomes very important; but more often in national affairs the platforms attempt to avoid controversial subjects and to restate in well-sounding phrases the past position of the party. Furthermore, the candidates, when nominated, may ignore the platform and stress other principles or even make a new declaration of political faith on an entirely new issue. In state affairs the platforms are of less importance and generally contain little more than a fervid indorsement of the platforms of the national parties.

Although the Constitution leaves large spheres of action to the state, there have never been any important state parties for any long duration. Local issues have sometimes caused the formation of a temporary organization, which has altered the balance of the parties within the state. In some even less frequent instances these temporary organizations have succeeded in gaining control of the state government, but this is exceptional. More often

they seek to have their issues adopted by one of the regularly organized parties and to accomplish their aims through that party. In some instances when an issue has affected several states the national parties have adopted it in their platforms. Generally, however, as the study of minor parties has shown, a purely local party or one framed upon a single issue has little chance of obtaining any very wide support and still less chance for success.

national

between national

party organilocal issues

zations and

The party system in the United States originated over national Party system issues and developed national parties. Theoretically and logically these national parties have only a remote connection with the political issues in the states and even less with those in the smaller political divisions. Experience and efficiency as well as political expediency and practical convenience have demonstrated the mutual advantage of the closest possible union between the Connection two. Thus a city government, being almost at the mercy of the state legislature, finds its way far more smooth if the party in power in the city is the same as that of the majority in the legislature. Formerly, when the senators were chosen by the state legislatures, the national parties saw that they must control the state legislatures in order to obtain a majority in the Senate. Since the adoption of the Seventeenth Amendment, by which the senators are elected by popular vote, this necessity has lessened, but one of practical political convenience has arisen. It is easier, simpler, and far more efficient to utilize an already existing and well-working organization than to extemporize one every six years.

federal in

The organization of the party system in the United States is Party system federal like the government. At the top are the permanent organization national-party organizations for the purpose of electing the president. In each state there are the state organizations which cooperate in the election of the president, but which are constantly concerned in the carrying of the state for the party. In each congressional district there may be a district organization which works with the national and state organizations to elect representatives, while in the counties, cities, towns, and wards there are still smaller organizations, all of which seek primarily to elect officers belonging to their national party and