most valuable rights; and are they to be thought unreasonable and ungrateful if they oppose such taxes? Wherewith, they say, shall we show our loyalty to our gracious king, if our money is to be given by others, without asking our consent? And if the parliament has a right thus to take from us a penny in the pound, where is the line drawn that bounds that right, and what shall hinder their calling whenever they please for the other nineteen shillings and eleven pence? Have we then any thing that we can call our own? It is more than probable, that bringing representatives from the colonies to sit and act here as members of parliament, thus uniting and consolidating your dominions, would in a little time remove these objections and difficulties, and make the future government of the colonies easy: but, till some such thing is done, I apprehend no taxes, laid there by parliament here, will ever be collected, but such as must be stained with blood: and I am sure the profit of such taxes will never answer the expence of collecting them, and that the respect and affection of the Americans to this country will in the struggle be totally lost, perhaps never to be recovered; and therewith all the commercial and political advantages, that might have attended the continuance of this respect and this affection. In my own private judgment I think an immediate repeal of the stamp-act would be the best measure for this country; but a suspension of it for three years, the best for that. The repeal would fill them with joy and gratitude, re-establish their respect and veneration for parliament, restore at once their ancient and natural love for this country, and their regard for every thing that comes from it; hence the trade would be renewed in all its branches; they would again indulge in all the expensive superfluities you supply them with, and their own new assumed home industry would languish. But the suspension, though it might continue their fears and anxieties, would at the same time keep up their resolutions of industry and frugality; which in two or three years would grow into habits, to their lasting advantage. However, as the repeal will probably not be now agreed to,3 from what I think a mistaken opinion, that the honor and dignity of government is better supported by persisting in a wrong measure once entered into, than by rectifying an error as soon as it is discovered; we must allow the next best thing for the advantage of both countries is, the suspension; for as to executing the act by force, it is madness, and will be ruin to the whole. The rest of your friend's reasonings and propositions appear to me truly just and judicious; I will therefore only add, that I am as desirous of his acquaintance and intimacy, as he was of my opinion. I am, with much esteem, Your obliged Friend, B. FRANKLIN. Letter from Governor Pownall to Dr. Franklin, concerning an equal communication of rights, privileges, &c. to America by Great Bri tain. DEAR SIR, THE following objection against communicating to the colonies the rights, privileges, and powers of the realm, as to parts of the realm, has been made. I have been endea voring to obviate it, and I communicate it to you, in hopes of your promised assistance. If, say the objectors, we communicate to the colonies the power of sending representatives, and in consequence expect them to participate in an equal share and proportion of all our taxes, we must grant to them all the powers of trade and manufacturing, which any other parts of the realm within the isle of Great Britain enjoy: if so, perchance, the profits of the Atlantic commerce may converge to some centre in America; to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, or to 3 It was however agreed to in the same year, viz. in 1766. 4 This letter bears no date. It was written possibly about the time that governor Pownall was engaged in publishing his book on the administration of the colonies. some of the isles: if so, then the natural and artificial produce of the colonies, and in course of consequences the landed interest of the colonies will be promoted: while the natural and artificial produce and landed interest of Great Britain will be depressed, to its utter ruin and destruction; and consequently the balance of the power of government, although still within the realm, will be locally transferred from Great Britain to the colonies. Which consequence, however it may suit a citizen of the world, must be folly and madness to a Briton. My fit is gone off, and though weak, both from the gout and a concomitant and very ugly fever, I am much better. Would be glad to see you. Your Friend, J. POWNALL. On the back of the foregoing letter of Governor Pownall, are the following minutes by Dr. Franklin. THIS objection goes upon the supposition, that whatever the colonies gain, Britain must lose; and that if the colonies can be kept from gaining an advantage, Britain will gain it : If the colonies are fitter for a particular trade than Britain, they should have it, and Britain apply to what it is more fit for. The whole empire is a gainer. And if Britain is not so fit or so well situated for a particular advantage, other countries will get it, if the colonies do not. Thus Ireland was forbid the woollen manufacture and remains poor; but this has given to the French the trade and wealth Ireland might have gained for the British empire. The government cannot long be retained without the union. Which is best (supposing your case) to have a total separation, or a change of the seat of government?—It by no means follows, that promoting and advancing the landed interest in America will depress that of Britain: the contrary has always been the fact. Advantageous situations and circumstances will always secure and fix manufactures: Sheffield against all Europe for these three hundred years past. Impracticability. Danger of innovation. THE EXAMINATION OF DR. FRAKLIN. Before the English House of Commons, in February, 1766, This examination of Dr. Franklin was printed in the year 1767, under the form of a shilling pamphlet. It is prior in point of date to some of the foregoing pieces; but this derangement, provides the reader with a knowlege of the proceedings on which the examination was grounded. 1766. Feb. 3. Benjamin Franklin, Esq. and a number of other persons were "ordered to attend the committee of the whole house of commons to whom it was referred, to consider farther the several papers relative to America which were presented to the house by Mr. secretary Conway, &c." 2. WHAT is your name, and place of abode ? A. Franklin, of Philadelphia, 2. Do the Americans pay any considerable taxes among themselves? A. Certainly many, and very heavy taxes. 2. What are the present taxes in Pennsylvania, laid by the laws of the colony? A. There are taxes on all estates real and personal; a poll tax; a tax on all offices, professions, trades, and businesses, according to their profits; an excise on all wine, rum, and. other spirits; and a duty of ten pounds per head on all negro es imported, with some other duties. 1 2. For what purposes are those taxes laid? A. For the support of the civil and military establishments of the country, and to discharge the heavy debt contracted in the last war. 2. How long are those taxes to continue? A. Those for discharging the debt are to continue till 1772, and longer, if the debt should not be then all discharged. The others must always continue. 2. Was it not expected that the debt would have been sooner discharged? A. It was, when the peace was made with France and Spain. But a fresh war breaking out with the Indians, a fresh load of debt was incurred; and the taxes, of course, continued longer by a new law. 2. Are not all the people very able to pay those taxes? A. No. The frontier counties, all along the continent, having been frequently ravaged by the enemy and greatly impoverished, are able to pay very little tax. And therefore, in consideration of their distresses, our late tax laws do expressly favor those counties, excusing the sufferers; and I suppose the same is done in other governments. 2. Are not you concerned in the management of the post-office in America? A. Yes. I am deputy post-master general of North America. 2. Don't you think the distribution of stamps by post to all the inhabitants very practicable, if there was no opposition? A. The posts only go along the sea-coasts; they do not, except in a few instances, go back into the country; and if they did, sending for stamps by post would occasion an expence of postage, amounting in many cases, to much more than that of the stamps themselves. 2. Are you acquainted with Newfoundland? A. I never was there. 2. Q. Do you know whether there are any post-roads on that island? A. I have heard that there are no roads at all, but that |