'cessor's GUN-BOATS, were of no use.

Enlistments to go to

Canada, were slow and reluctant. We tortured the science ' of taxation for supplies; we beat the federalists all hollow ' in this. We were so resolutely bent on vanquishing our 'enemies, at home and abroad, that we carefully copied, '(that is, James Monroe and I did,) our friend Napoleon's 'plans of bringing out the physical force. We proposed to Congress to seize on the persons of our fellow-citizens, ' and to make patriots of them, whether they would or not, 'by converting them into sailors and soldiers. This measure, ' owing to some ill-timed constitutional scruples of Congress, ' proved entirely abortive. We had thus exhausted the na'tional credit; and had come fairly to the end of all our resources. There was nothing left to us but to make peace. 'Thus, gentlemen, all our fond expectations, like Creusa's 'ghost, vanished into thin air."

It is true, gentlemen, that in the treaty of peace, which 'I now lay before you, you will not find the points of controversy for which the war was avowedly waged, to have 'been settled; nor will you find any one of them, even so 'much as mentioned therein. But this is of no consequence. The present, and probable state of France, allows us no 'hope, that we can ever again make use of that country, to 'further our patriotic designs. It was best to keep all those ' matters open for future occasions. Besides, we know, from 'the dispositions heretofore expressed by the British minis'try, that all the controverted points can be settled by peace

defend them, our privateers are bearding and blockading the enemy in their own seaports. [Who but Thomas Jefferson knew this fact?] Encourage them to burn all their prizes, and let the public pay for them. They will cheat us enormously. No matter; they will make the merchants of England feel, and squeal, and cry out for peace." This is the wise and moral Mr. Jefferson! None but pirates burn ships at sea.

*

Ter frustra comprensa manus effugit imago,

Par levibus ventis, volucrique simillima somno.

2d. Æ. 793.

"able negotiation, whenever we choose to propose this, on ' reasonable grounds; and that they never can be settled by I war; all which we as well knew before we began the war, as we do now.

'We have some consolations in all this series of mishaps. 'There has been some very handsome fighting, on the lakes, ' on the ocean, and on the land. It is not improbable that our political enemies will taunt us with the number of lives 'foolishly lost, and with the millions foolishly squandered. 'As to the first, the proper answer is, dulce et decorum est 'pro patria mori; and never better applied than in an effort to quell monarchists and traitors. As to the second, I ad'mit that my illustrious predecessor and myself have cost 'the American people, in our sixteen years, double the ' amount which the revolutionary war cost. But it was

The

money well spent. It was to secure the triumph of our 'party. We have succeeded nobly. FEDERALISM is dead. 'You yourselves have heard the popular acclamation, while 'Jefferson and I have stood in the triumphal car. money is a trifle to the object gained. These millions, were they twice as many, will soon melt away under my 'old friend HAMILTON'S system of revenue, when the in'dustry and commerce of the country are left to their natural 'action, freed from "restrictive energies." We shall have 'the opportunity of claiming, for ourselves, the public grati'tude for paying off the national debt; for the people have 'not intelligence enough to look back so far as to discern 'by what means, nor by whose wisdom, it is done.

Assured, as we may be, that our domestic enemies will 'be too thankful for peace and prosperity, to contrive any new machinations against republican freedom; or even to 'persevere in their old ones; and that they will be too busy, ' in their own affairs, now that the ocean is again open and 'free to them, to spend time in slandering us, there remains 'to us only to proclaim our own, and the nation's GLORY.'

LETTER LXIX.

FEBRUARY 2, 1834.

It is not from any desire to depreciate Mr. Madison's fame, that this version is given of his administration. It is very possible that injustice is done to him, by imputing motives to him which he had not. But he, and all other men, who take the trust of public office, are accountable to those for whom the trust is undertaken. Grievous and insulting as any one might choose to think the conduct of England to have been, it did not call for war. It is a most sober, and appalling accountability, in any rulers, to involve a whole nation in the calamities of war. There were trying, manifold, and dreadful sorrows, and afflictions, in this one. In looking back to its causes and purposes, it is impossible to absolve those who ordered it, from unworthy motives, or from the want of wisdom. No one can doubt, that if the declaration had been delayed, but a little time, as the federal party most earnestly besought it might be, it would not have been made. Millions would have been saved to individuals, to say nothing of the immense expenditure of public treasure and the effusion of blood. The point insisted on is, that Mr. Madison was not the President of the United States, but the chief of a party.

It is very difficult to determine to what extent Mr. Madison was honest and sincere, or contriving and disingenuous, in his ministry. It is very possible he may have thought, in all his long and varied connexion with the affairs of his country, that he was governed by good motives, and that all he did was proper and dutiful. It has been intimated, that Mr. Madison was against a declaration of war, and came into the measure with great reluctance, or rather that he was forced into it. If so, the American people should

beware of men, who are politicians by profession; and who must always be party men. The government of such rulers has brought the country, repeatedly, to the verge of despotism. Even the wisest and the best, should be watched with republican jealousy, since it is ever man's tendency to misuse power, and to fortify himself by usurpation.

At the close of the war, there were yet two years remaining of Mr. Madison's second term. These were honestly, and properly devoted, to repairing the wounds inflicted on the credit of the country. A national bank was created, upon a sound, a rational basis. The irredeemable rags, which had passed under the name of money, disappeared. * After some time, the banks which had given up dealing in specie (which were all south of New England) resumed the payment of it, and the country, by its natural vigor, returned again to industry and prosperity, the manifold errors of its own government notwithstanding.

On Mr. Madison's retirement, Mr. Monroe (whose name should ever be associated with impressment, and conscription,) was the Jeffersonian candidate for President. The peace of Europe, our own peace, the return of prosperity, and the inexpressible relief from non-intercourse, embargo, and war, had made the federalists very indifferent as to Mr. Madison's successor. They had little to fear from him, and nothing to hope. Mr. Monroe met with little opposition at his first! election, and with one opposing vote, only, at the second.

*

Among the anecdotes of the time was this: A person carried to a bank, in Pennsylvania, some bills which that bank had issued, and demanded gold and silver for them. He was answered that the bank did not pay gold or silver. "Give me then," said he, "bills of the United States Bank." "We have none." "Then give me bills on any bank in New England." "We have none of these." Pay me, then, in the best counterfeit bills you have."

(Ex relatione W. D. at L. C.)

He was of course a Jeffersonian President, and adhered to his party, in all distributions of favors. He had no opportunity to adopt a mischievous policy, nor probably any desire to do it. His useful merit consisted in governing but little, and in leaving people to manage for themselves: A merit, which belonged to neither of his predecessors.

It is a remarkable fact, that the most peaceable, tranquil, and prosperous eight years, which the country has experienced since the beginning of this century, was during the administration of this gentleman. Whether this arose from his positive, or negative qualities, or from the fact, that federalists never make opposition, for opposition's sake, and care not who governs, if they are governed well, it is not undertaken to decide.

If Mr. Monroe's talents, and usefulness, are to be measured by the number of his elections, and appointments, he was, undoubtedly, the greatest man that has ever appeared in the United States. There are a sort of middling-men, who are not objects of envy, nor are they so inferior as to pass unnoticed. They are always ready for any office, and equally fit for any. Some persons have supposed, that Mr. Monroe was at the head of this class. He served, honorably, some years in the revolutionary war. He seems to have been esteemed in his native state. (He was born in Virginia in 1758.) He was frequently in the legislature, and governor on two different elections; and member of the old congress. He was of the convention in 1787; and senator for some years. He was acting secretary at war; and secretary of He had four missions to Europe; and divers other appointments in the course of his life; and lastly President of the United States.

state.

He was not a mercenary man, for he left public employment, with slender means for future subsistence. Congress was supposed to have failed in showing proper respect and consideration for a man, who had been so long in public