on through the British provinces, greatly to their advantage, while the coasting trade of the United States, was conducted in wagons. Flour could not be water-borne from the south, without an official permit, by some agent thereto authorized by Mr. Jefferson.

Thirdly, the attempts to evade the embargo led to vindictive prosecutions; to the multiplication of spies, and informers, and to an exercise of a tyranny of officers, great and small, which would hardly have been endured in Algiers or Constantinople.

Fourthly, the effect was demoralizing. Smuggling had hardly been known in these days; it now became common. It was not thought to be morally wrong, to evade a law which all, but Jeffersonians, knew to be oppressive, and ruinous; and which the best informed men declared to be unconstitutional. It brought the administration of justice into contempt. Jury trials, on embargo bonds, became a mockery.

A law so palpably against common sense, so oppressive and ruinous in its consequences, and which a maritime community might justifiably think ought to be evaded if it could be, called for further enforcing legislation, which resolved itself, in practice, into downright tyranny. After the evils of the embargo had been endured, more than a year, and the public distress became insufferable, the remedy invented by Mr. Jefferson, and his advisers, was a new law, commonly called the enforcing act. This was passed on the 9th of January, 1809.

At the session of the Massachusetts legislature in this month, petitions came in, from various quarters, beseeching legislative interference. The community were exasperated to the highest degree. The manner in which these petitions were acted upon, by a federal legislature, may be some answer to Mr. Jefferson's calumnies on this party; and some refutation to his often-repeated tale, of a northern confederacy to sever the Union.

At this time (January, 1809,) the alarming state of public affairs had called into the legislature of Massachusetts, the ablest men in the state. Among them was the same Christopher Gore, whom Mr. Jefferson so pointedly mentions, as a monarchist, and angloman; and the same Harrison Gray Otis, whom he mentions in the same connexion; and a majority of similar citizens, in both branches.

The following words are extracted from a report, made on the petitions which the embargo laws caused to be presented:

The petitioners' complaints are, 1st, "the unnecessary "impolitic, and unconstitutional interdiction of commerce, "by the several acts of Congress, falsely called embargo "laws. 2d, The apprehension that the nation is speedily to "be plunged into a war with Great Britain; and consequently, entangled in a fatal alliance with France. 3d, "Some peculiarly oppressive and unjust provisions of the "last embargo act, passed on the 9th of January, 1809."

In the Appendix will be found extracts from the report on these petitions, stating the true operation of this law of the 9th of January. This report deserves the diligent study of citizens of a free republic, because it shows how easily a popular President, and an obedient Congress, can establish an absolute despotism in the forms of law. If Congress had enacted that Thomas Jefferson may lawfully do any thing that he may choose to do, to annihilate commerce, and to strip every citizen of his last shilling, who does not submit to his will, it would not have been a more real despotism.

A Jeffersonian, of some distinction, who was a member of the house at that time, but who has, probably, grown wiser since, exercised his patriotism, by proposing a series of resolutions, one of which was in these words: "That in case "it shall appear to Congress that all fair attempts to remove "said orders and decrees by negotiation, shall have been "exhausted, and they shall find it necessary to assume any

"other attitude of resistance, it will be the duty of the whole "people of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, to rally "round the standard of their own nation, and its govern66 ment, and to afford them their utmost support by all con"stitutional means in their power."

The meaning of the mover, both as to the nation in respect to whom an "attitude of resistance" was to be assumed; and to that portion of the whole people, who were called on for their utmost support, was in no respect equivocal. His resolutions were committed to five, of whom the mover was one, and Mr. Gore the chairman. The report drawn by Mr. Gore, is one of the masterly efforts of that day, and the mover of the resolutions gave an opportunity to the whole people to read an exposition of the true character and conduct of our national managers; and also to know what sort of citizens Mr. Jefferson's" anglomen and monarchists"

were.

Thus it appears, that more than three years before the war actually came, it was intended by one party, dreaded by the other; and that nothing was waited for but the favorable moment, which did not occur, as will hereafter be shown, until Napoleon was duly prepared for it.

The picture drawn by this report of the state of the country, will be recognised as true and faithful, by all who can remember these days. The following is an extract from it:

"In this condition of unexampled prosperity at home, peace and consideration abroad, our present rulers were "called to the administration of public affairs; and what "has been the fruit of their labors? Let the following facts

"Our commerce at home restrained, if not annihilated. "Our commerce abroad cut off.

"Our navy sold, dismantled, or degraded to the service "of cutters or gun-boats.

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"The revenue extinguished.

"The course of justice interrupted.

"The military power exalted above the civil; and by setting up a standard of political faith unknown to the con"stitution, the nation is weakened by internal animosities, "and division, at the moment when it is unnecessarily, and "improvidently exposed to war with Great Britain, France, "and Spain.

Such a report as this, was a very sufficient reason with Mr. Jefferson, for regarding Mr. Gore as a "monarchist and angloman."

LETTER LII.

NOVEMBER 6, 1833.

IT so happened, that at this time, (January, 1809,) the executive power of Massachusetts, was excrcised by a Jeffersonian Lieutenant Governor, although the two branches of the legislature had a federal majority. It may be remarked, that whenever real calamity has overtaken this country, it has always occurred under Jeffersonian dominion, and the remedy has always been found in returning to the men and counsels of federal administration. To show the extent of the Jefferson influence at that time, and the rapid advance which it had made in controlling property and personal liberty, without the least shadow of legal right, it may be proper to advert to the exercise of power by the Massachusetts executive.

The Lieutenant Governor not availing himself of the usual military course of proceeding, (which requires that orders shall be issued by the Commander-in-chief, to the

Major Generals commanding divisions,) selected such subordinate officers as were known to be suitable men for the purpose, and sent a special order to each of these subordinates, in which he says: "The President of the United States, has directed the Secretary of War, to request me "to appoint some officer of the militia, of known respect for "the laws, in, or near, to each port of entry, in this state, "with orders, when applied to by the Collector of the District, to assemble a sufficient force of his militia, and to employ them efficaciously to maintain the authority of the "laws, respecting the embargo. The President is pecul "iarly anxious that the officers selected should be such, who can be best confided in to exercise so serious a power." "Recollecting that in the happy government established by "the American people, the character of the citizen is not "lost in that of the soldier; and that coolness, prompt obe"dience, and a sacred regard to the rights of society, and "individuals, are essential to both; you will duly appreciate "this opportunity of serving your country, and of even in"creasing the confidence she has placed in you."

The house resolved, that these orders were irregular, illegal, and inconsistent with the principles of the constitution; tending to the destruction of military discipline, an infringement of the rights, and derogatory to the honor of both officers, and soldiers; subversive of the militia system, and highly dangerous to the liberties of the people.

What was Mr. Jefferson's real motive in recommending and enforcing the embargo? Was it to protect "our ves"sels, our seamen, and merchandise, (as his message says,) "from seizure by the belligerents?" No one can know the motive so well as Mr. Jefferson knew it. He says the motive assigned in the message, was not the real one. On the 25th of December, 1825, he wrote a letter to his friend, William B. Giles, (vol. iv. p. 519,) in which he gives an account of an interview with Mr. J. Q. Adams. He therein