Randolph moved that the sum to be appropriated should be confined to that object, which was agreed upon. But after

wards, when the bill was formally brought in, this specific appropriation was rescinded by the House, and the money left at the entire discretion of the executive, to apply to any extraordinary purpose of foreign intercourse whatever. To use his own words:

more.

"Mr. J. Randolph also moved, to limit the amount which "the government might stipulate to pay for the territory in question; upon the ground, that, if Congress were disposed to acquire Florida by purchase, they should fix the "extent to which they were willing to go, and thereby "furnish our ministers with a safeguard against the rapacity "of France; that there was no probability of our obtaining "the country for less, but every reason to believe, that, "without such a precaution on our part, she would extort This motion was overruled. When the bill came "under discussion, various objections were urged against it "by the same gentleman: Among others, that it was in "direct opposition to the views of the executive, as expressed "in the President's official communication, [it was on this "occasion that General Varnum declared the measure to be "consonant to the secret wishes of the executive:] that it was a prostration of the national honor at the feet of our adversary that a concession so humiliating would paralyze our "efforts against Great Britain, in case the negotiation then, "and now pending, between that government and ours, "should prove abortive: that a partial appropriation towards the purchase of Florida, without limiting the President to some specific amount, would give a previous sanction to any expense which he might incur for that object, and "which Congress would stand pledged to make good that "if the executive, acting entirely upon its own responsi"bility, and exercising its acknowledged constitutional "powers, should negotiate for the purchase of Florida, the

"House of Representatives would, in that case, be left free "to ratify, or annul the contract: but, that the course which "was proposed to be pursued, (and which eventually was "pursued,) would reduce the discretion of the Legislature "to a mere shadow that at the ensuing session, Congress "would find itself, in relation to this subject, a deliberative "body but in name: that it could not without a manifest "dereliction of its own principles, and, perhaps, without a "violation of public faith, refuse to sanction any treaty "entered into by the executive, under the auspices of the Legislature, and with powers so unlimited; that however great his confidence in the Chief Magistrate, he would never consent to give any President so dangerous a proof "of it; and that he would never preclude himself by any

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previous sanction, from the unbiased exercise of his judg"ment, on measures which were thereafter to come before "him; that the House had no official recommendation for "the step which they proposed to take; on the contrary, it "was in direct opposition to the sentiments, as expressed "in the confidential message; and that the responsibility "would be exclusively their own: that if he thought proper "to ask for an appropriation for the object, (the purchase of Florida,) the responsibility of the measure would rest upon "him: but when the Legislature undertook to prescribe the

course which he should pursue, and which he had pledged "himself to pursue, the case was entirely changed: that "the House could have no channel through which it could "be made acquainted with the opinions of the executive, "but such as was official, responsible, and known to the "constitution; and that it was a prostitution of its high and "solemn functions, to act upon an unconstitutional sugges"tion of the private wishes of the executive, irresponsibly "announced, by an irresponsible individual, and in direct "hostility to his avowed opinions."

After such a course of remarks, from a leading Jeffer

sonian, a Virginian, a man who called himself a genuine republican, what would one suppose to have been the fate, among the representatives of a free and enlightened people, of Mr. Jefferson's double-dealing proposition? A declaration of war against Spain? Not at all. This would have been an admission, that the man of the people could have made a blunder in disposing of fifteen millions of dollars of the people's money. What then? The Jeffersonian Randolph tells us,- "The doors were closed, and the minority, "whose motives were impeached, and whose motives were "almost denounced, were voted down without debate."

The two millions of dollars were voted; they were placed at Mr. Jefferson's disposal, without limit, or restriction. They went in the United States ship Hornet, in specie, to the coffers of Napoleon. Not a foot of territory was thereby acquired; if any thing Napoleon was paid two millions, for his kind interposition in preventing the people of the United States from knowing, how far Mr. Jefferson had, or had not, been "honest, capable, and faithful to the constitution."

What were Mr. Jefferson's motives in this transaction? Was he moved by friendship for France? By the desire to strengthen France against England? By unwillingness to vindicate the honor and independence of the country against France? By the dread of showing, that the predictions of political adversaries had been verified? Was Mr. Jefferson willing to give away two millions of the people's money, for all, or any of these reasons? However these questions may be answered, is not, at this day, material, so that Mr. Jefferson's pretensions to the gratitude, and respect of his coun trymen be placed on the proper footing. Future generations. are to judge of Thomas Jefferson's fame, when the history of these times shall have been written, and to decide for themselves, what Mr. Jefferson was, as an economist, as a statesman, as a friend to his country; and how he should rank as an honorable, and an honest man. It makes no

difference in forming such decision, that the unforeseen changes in European affairs, made the purchase of Lousiana a fortunate measure for this country. The motives which then operated, and the acts then done, are the true, and only materials from which that decision is to be formed. If Bonaparte had been successful; if Spain had not been distracted by civil commotions, what would Mr. Jefferson have acquired for his country, in exchange for his fifteen and his two millions of dollars? He certainly obtained nothing for the two millions sent to France. This latter was a mere donation, or rather tribute, and so it was considered at the time, even by John Randolph.

If Mr. Jefferson was that abhorrer of duplicity, which he assumes to be, he would have told Congress, that the purchase of Louisiana was involved in difficulties; that it would lead the country into a war with both France and Spain; that he found himself in a very serious dilemma; that Spain, by fraud and force, was completely under the control of Napoleon; that if Congress would please to vote him a couple of millions to give to Napoleon, it would pacify him, and that he would keep Spain from showing her disgust and enmity; and finally, that he should still seem, to his countrymen, to be the wise, the great, and the good Mr. Jefferson! He knew his Congress, and the power of party, too well, to find it necessary to disclose such truths. It is highly probable, that Mr. Jefferson thought this management honest and proper, because it promoted the great objects of his policy-it helped France-it hurt Englandit kept federalism down, by keeping himself up.

LETTER LI.

OCTOBER 25, 1833.

LET it not be forgotten, that Mr. Jefferson began his presidency with the most gracious and conciliatory assurances, that we were all republicans, all federalists, and that universal peace and harmony were to prevail under his paternal auspices. Nor forgotten-that before the first year had elapsed, he denounced, in his smooth and ambiguous phraseology, the whole tenor of federal administration, and disclosed the intention of annulling and reversing, to the extent of his power, all that had been done. He conducts the government for eight years, retires-devotes his remnant of days to the same course of denunciation of federalists, and federalism-and leaves, as his bequest to his countrymen, his testimony of the worthlessness and wickedness of his political adversaries; and his assurances of his own honesty, ability, usefulness, and patriotism. Has he not thus invited a comparison between himself, and those of his countrymen, whom he would transmit to posterity, as destitute of every good quality which he arrogates to himself?

There is no part of Mr. Jefferson's administration in which his honesty, and ability, can be better tested than in the course of measures which led to the "long embargo," and by his perseverance in that extraordinary policy.

It may not be an easy matter to develope Mr. Jefferson's motives in this part of his political machinery. It is ever to be understood, that all Mr. Jefferson said, and did, had a double import; and that it is as difficult, as painful, to seek out his real designs. In this matter of the embargo, it is unavoidable, in showing the truth, to recur to some previous circumstances.

The state of this country, as affected by the conduct of the belligerents, was, no doubt, exceedingly embarrassing.