dency. Our ships could obtain no protection in foreign ports, because we afforded them no justifiable reason for granting it to us. The calling of ourselves subjects, and at the same time fighting against the Prince we acknowledge, was a dangerous precedent to all Europe. If the grievances justified our taking up arms, they justified our separation; if they did not justify our separation, neither could they justify our taking arms. All Europe was interested in reducing us as rebels, and all Europe, or the greater part at least, is interested in supporting us in our independent state. At home our condition was still worse; our currency had no foundation; and the state of it would have ruined whig and tory alike. We had no other laws than a kind of moderated passion; no other civil power than an honest mob; and no other protection than the temporary attachment of one man to another. Had independency been delayed a few months longer, this continent would have been plunged into irretrievable confusion; some violent for it, some against it-all in the greatest cabal; the rich would have been ruined, and the poor destroyed. The necessity of being independent would have brought it on in a little time, had there been no rupture between Britain and America. The increasing importance of commerce-the weight and perplexity of legislation-and the enlarged state of European politics, would clearly have shown to the continent the impropriety of continuing subordinate; for after the coolest reflection on the matter, this must be allowed, "that Britain was too jealous of America to govern it justly; too ignorant of it to govern it well; and too distant from it to govern it at all." The author of Common Sense is Mr. Thomas Paine lately from England. I am credibly informed that the following anecdote occurred on the day of signing the declaration. Mr. Harrison, a delegate from Virginia, is a large portly man-Mr. Gerry of Massachusetts is slender and spare. A little time

after the solemn transaction of signing the instrument, Mr. Harrison said smilingly to Mr. Gerry, "When the hanging scene comes to be exhibited I shall have the advantage over you on account of my size. All will be over with me in a moment, but you will be kicking in the air half an hour after I am gone."

20th. It appears by the public papers, that a detachment from the Bristish army of two thousand eight hundred men, under the command of Major General Clinton, Lord Cornwallis, and a fleet consisting of two line of battle ships, frigates, and other armed vessels, amounting to forty or fifty, have lately made a furious attack on the town of Charleston, South Carolina. Major General Lee, who commands our army in that quarter, has written to Congress a particular statement of the engagement, which, he says, continued for twelve hours without intermission. The enemy was twice repulsed with great loss; and the Carolina troops and militia have gained the highest honor by their brave and intrepid conduct. Colonel Moultrie, in a particular manner, is deserving of the highest praise. But the British fleet has suffered a loss almost beyond example. Their ships shattered almost to total ruin, and one frigate of twenty eight guns was blown up by her own crew. A number of officers were killed and wounded, and the number of men is said to be one hundred and seventy nine killed, and two hundred and sixty wounded. Not one man, who was quartered at the beginning of the action on the Bristol's quarter deck, escaped being killed or wounded. Lord Campbell, the late governor of that colony, being a volunteer on board, received a mortal wound; and the Commodore, Sir Peter Parker, had a material part of his breeches torn away and was otherwise wounded. The whole of the British forces displayed the greatest courage and bravery. In a southern newspaper are inserted the following lines on Sir Peter's dis

aster.

"If honor in the breech is lodg'd,
As Hudibras hath shown,

It may from hence be fairly judg'd
Sir Peter's honor's gone."

The English Parliament, doubting the competency of their own powers to subjugate the United Colonies, have resorted to the assistance of foreign troops to prosecute their sanguinary purposes. They have actually entered into treaty with several German Princes to furnish seventeen thousand men, to aid in the great work of reducing the Americans to the same degraded state of vassalage with these hirelings themselves. The terms stipulated in the treaties are, that besides the wages to be paid these foreigners, Parliament engages to pay for every soldier who shall not return, thirty pounds sterling; and for every disabled soldier fifteen pounds sterling! These mercenary troops, it is said in England, are to assist in forcing the rebels to ask mercy." It has been asserted in the House of Lords, that the expense to England for these foreign troops cannot be less than one million five hundred thousand pounds for one year! There is now the clearest evidence, that the British ministry are wofully disappointed in their expectations respecting the spirit and temper of the American people. They had entertained no idea that the colonists would proceed to such daring enormity as to spurn their mighty power and authority. They appear now determined by their augmented forces to crush at a blow all opposition to their mandates, and to coerce the rebels into a sense of duty to their king. It is estimated that a force exceeding forty thousand men is to be employed in America the present year. His majesty has appointed the two brothers, Lord Howe and General Howe, commissioners for restoring peace to the colonies, and for granting pardon to such of his Majesty's subjects, now in rebellion, as shall deserve the royal clemency. Besides the two commissioners, they are about to send on the same

service a combination of Hessians, Brunswickers, Waldeckers, English, Scotch, and Irish. The Scots may perhaps come prepared with the following advice, "O learn from our example and our fate,

Learn wisdom and repentance ere too late."

The following transaction is now a subject of newspaper discussion and of general conversation. Admiral Lord Howe arrived off the city of New York, not long since, to take the command of the British fleet; on his arrival he proclaimed to the public that he and his brother General Howe were appointed. his Majesty's commissioners, with full powers to grant pardons to all or to any town, county, or district, who may have departed from their allegiance and duty to his Majesty, &c. and who are willing by a speedy return to reap the benefit of the royal favor. These royal commissioners despatched Colonel Patterson, Adjutant General of the British army, to General Washington, at New York, with letters respecting their mission; but as the letters were not directed in a manner expressive of his official station, his Excellency refused to receive them; but treated Colonel Patterson with much politeness, and dismissed him. The conduct of General Washington in this interview received the approbation of Congress, and they resolved, "that he had acted with a dignity becoming his character." They further resolved, "that no letters or messages be received on any occasion whatever from the enemy, by the Commander in Chief or others, the commanders of the American army, but such as shall be directed to them in the characters they respectively sustain." It was not many days after this that Colonel Patterson again waited on General Washington, and on this occasion he addressed him by the title of Excellency; and in the name of the Commissioners apologized for any deficiency in point of respect or punctilio, and assured him that they had the highest personal respect for General Washington, and did not mean to dero

gate from his rank; that the letter, of which he was now the bearer from the Commissioners, was directed to George Washington, Esq. &c. &c. &c. which they hoped would remove all difficulties; as the three et ceteras might be understood to imply every thing that ought to follow. To this the General replied, that though it was true the three et ceteras might mean every thing, it was also true they might mean any thing, and as Congress had approved of his conduct in the first interview, he could not enter into any new treaty without fresh authority, and declined receiving the letter; adding that he should absolutely decline any letter directed to him as a private person, when it related to his public station. Colonel Patterson said, Lord and General Howe were invested with exceedingly great powers, and were very desirous of being the medium of an accommodation of difficulties. The General replied, he had read the act of Parliament, and found they were merely empowered to grant pardons. The Americans had committed no wrong, and therefore wanted no pardons; we were only defending what we deemed our indisputable rights. Colonel Patterson seemed confused, and replied that this would open a wide field for argument. The Adjutant General conducted with the greatest attention and politeness; and manifested great solicitude that the letter might be received, and that the interview might be productive of favorable results. He expressed strong acknowledgments for the favor done him, in omitting the usual ceremony of blinding his eyes, when passing our works. General Washington invited him to partake of a collation provided for him, and he was introduced to our General Officers. After many compliments and polite expressions, he departed with saying, "Has your Excellency no commands to my Lord or General Howe ?" "None, Sir," replied the General, "but my particular compliments to

both of them."