behalf of Ireland. Mr. Callan condemned Mr. Parnell and Mr. O'Donnell; Sir Patrick O'Brien said it was all a matter of tastebad taste; and Mr. David Plunket declared that the member for Meath had used language which he thought could only be tolerated by the foul rabble which had hooted the corpse of the murdered Earl.

After this decorum once more prevailed, and reporters were readmitted. "What we have jotted down," says the Week's News, from which journal we take this account of the scene, "is a correct outline of the three hours of confusion to which Parliamentary business was consigned by the Home Rulers on the night of April 12. The Home Rule party must now be considered to be broken up. Mr. Butt has resigned the leadership."

The morning after the adjournment of Parliament supplied a startling comment on the strange policy of reticence pursued by the Ministry-a reticence to Parliament, and to the country certainly new in our records, and arguing either very great or very little confidence in themselves. A Calcutta telegram announced that orders had been received by the Indian Government to despatch a force of about 7,000 native troops to Malta; the regiments selected from Bengal being the 9th Light Cavalry, the 13th and 31st Infantry, and the 2nd Goorkhas; from Bombay the 1st Light Cavalry and two regiments of native infantry; and from Madras, the 25th Infantry. Four companies of native sappers and miners, and two field batteries of British artillery made up the tale. The step was a grave one, the gravity lying mainly in the fact that it is by Statute enacted that all native troops employed out of India should be paid for by the Crown, and that a vote of the very Parliament which had just been dismissed for three weeks without the order being even mentioned, would be necessary to provide for the outlay. The Ministry must have calculated, indeed, upon the docility of their majority, as accessories after the fact; for that the very spirit and object of the Statute was to prevent the employment of native mercenaries on foreign service without special and well-considered Parliamentary sanction is, we think, evident even from the letter of it. The thing was done, however, and Lord Beaconsfield had grasped the reins too completely for much effective opposition to be heard. The newspapers were all mild enough, where they were not applausive.

The Daily News remarked that "the Government seems to have taken another step in the gradual development of a warlike policy. It is, moreover, an additional sign either that the Government actually contemplates hostilities, or is so little hopeful of the success of its efforts to preserve peace that it considers it needful to provide for their failure. The act acquires additional significance when taken in connection with Lord Derby's explanations. It seems likely that it is a step in the development of that policy to which he objected, but which he was unable to state. The objections to the inordinate length of the Parliamentary

recess receive immediate and striking confirmation by this startling announcement. Parliament, moreover, will be justified in feeling that it has, at any rate in this matter, not been taken into the confidence of the Government."

The Times, now nothing if not Ministerial, observed that "the movement has for some time been anticipated, and has been recognised as a natural accompaniment of any other warlike precautions we might take. The importance of the movement consists in the evidence it affords of our being able to rely on further resources of the same kind. The supposition naturally arises that this was one of those decisions of the Cabinet from which Lord Derby dissented, but which he was unable to specify, and it will be liable, no doubt, to exciting interpretations. But it is of no more essential significance than the despatch of our fleet to the Sea of Marmora. If we are to take precautions at all, they ought to be thorough, and our military strength must be reinforced no less than our naval. The troops will simply be held in reserve at Malta, for possible contingencies, and their presence will be an additional proof that we are prepared to exert the whole military force of our empire, alike in Asia and in Europe, in support of our interests. That the announcement of such a measure should have occurred immediately after the adjournment of Parliament will be deemed an illustration of the inevitable inconvenience of a recess at the present critical juncture."

More warlike was the tone taken by the Standard, whose plea for this new employment of mercenaries, Roman fashion, was outspoken and bold. "There are some who will see in this step," it said, "a movement in anticipation of war; but although it is to a certain extent a preparation for war, it is-like the calling out of the Reserves, the purchase of ironclads, and the other steps England has taken in the same direction-a measure likely to preserve peace rather than to precipitate war. The force itself is not a large one; but the fact that Indian troops have been sent for is sufficient to call the attention of those concerned to the fact that England is possessed of an enormous reserve of strength in India, and that she intends, if necessary, to draw upon it. The population of India is superabundant, and a considerable portion of it is fond of warlike exercises. They are naturally brave, and led by British officers are not inferior to the best troops in Europe. When European critics discuss the military strength of England, they are in the habit of entirely ignoring this great reserve of power, and it is well that any nation contemplating entering into the lists with us should have its eyes opened to the fact of its existence. India could furnish instantly a hundred thousand splendid troops, and these could be followed in a few months by treble that number. Indian officers have calculated, indeed, that there would be no difficulty whatever in raising an army of a million men in India. This fact in itself is a sufficient answer to the timorous spirits who urge submission to Russian arrogance

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upon the ground that, alone, we are no match for that immense empire. That, at the present moment, our available force is numerically far inferior to that of Russia is true enough; but England can afford to wait, and her strength would increase with time. The order for the despatch of Indian troops to Malta is a timely reminder of this fact, which European Powers would do well to take to heart."

In spite, however, of the complacency of Parliament and the Press, and the almost ludicrous absence of anything like action or confidence on the part of the recognised Liberal leaders, there were not wanting signs in the country of a strong feeling running counter to the Government, among classes of men whose voices could only be heard for the time through irregular channels. The Liberal party made some remarkable successes in the elections of the day; and at Worcester and Hereford, where they were defeated, they gained very large minorities. At a very curious and interesting election in South Northumberland, the contest resulted in a "tie." On the declaration of the poll, each candidate had 2,912 uncontested votes. The Liberal candidate, Mr. Grey,--the heir presumptive of Earl Grey,-had, in addition, two balloting-papers on which the voters had written "Grey," instead of having marked them with a cross against the name. These votes, it seems, ought not to have been counted for Mr. Grey, and were ultimately rejected. The presiding officer, the High Sheriff, had still a casting vote, and would have given it for the Conservative, Mr. Ridley, had not Mr. Ridley, with much honourable feeling, requested him to withhold it, and send the double return to the House of Commons. Mr. Ridley's election was subsequently established.

Another class of men who had, throughout the last phases of the Eastern Question, been singularly unanimous and consistentand in their tone on the matter presented to their cousins of the Established Church one of those marked contrasts which, in the present aspect of ecclesiastical affairs, donne à penser, as the French say,-came forward at this time to give Mr. Gladstone an opportunity.

A Nonconformist "Ministerial Conference" was held in the Memorial Hall, in Farringdon Street, for the purpose of presenting to Mr. Gladstone an address on the risk of war. The address contained the names of 400 ministers of Dissenting congregations in the London district, and declared that "for the war with Russia with which we are menaced," they "had failed to discover any justification," and that they had, therefore, determined to strengthen Mr. Gladstone's hands by placing in them the record of their cordial support. Mr. Gladstone, in receiving and replying to the address, contrasted very powerfully the virtual unanimity of England at the time of the Crimean war with that wide division of opinion which rendered it possible for such a county as South Northumberland to divide its vote equally between the Government and the keenest antagonists of the Government, and which admitted of popular

meetings of the greatest enthusiasm on each side of the present issue. Even the large minorities of the Liberals could never have been gained in opposition to the war policy of 1853. Mr. Gladstone maintained that the nation was now profoundly divided, instead of profoundly unanimous. The events of the recess fully bore out this view of divided counsels. Mr. Hardy (not yet Lord Cranbrook) had a warm reception at Bradford, and was loudly cheered in his manifesto of the duty of England in upholding European law, and of the wickedness of dismembering and tormenting Turkey: "the great England to whose ministry I have the honour to belong, which I desire to see maintained in all its grandeur and all its majesty; an England humanising and civilising the world, bringing to every part of the world her religion and her laws, showing herself everywhere, as she does at home, the friend of freedom and of justice, and not prepared to stand by and see a great overshadowing cast upon the nations of the world." In a quieter speech Mr. Cross held a similar tone; but neither one speaker nor the other shed the smallest light on the views and intentions of the Cabinet. On the other side Mr. Bright and Mr. Chamberlain were received with equal enthusiasm at Manchester, where they met and addressed a Conference of 1,500 delegates from cities, towns, and great organisations assembled to protest against the impending war with Russia. The Conference passed unanimously resolutions of the strongest character. The first condemned the "policy of menace and warlike demonstration adopted by the Government on the Eastern Question," and the introduction of Sepoys into Europe, and the concealment of that unprecedented act until Parliament had risen for the Easter recess. The second accepted without reserve Lord Derby's declaration that the measures "on which the Government have decided are neither prudent, in the interests of European peace, nor necessary for the safety of the country, nor warranted by the state of matters abroad;' and indignantly protested against the adoption by the Government of measures which could drive from the Cabinet one of the ablest of the Queen's counsellors,' who retired, rather than incur any responsibility for their violent precipitancy." The third declared that, considering the whole action of Government which was stated in detail, "the Government of Lord Beaconsfield is a fatal obstacle to the peace and international amity, freedom, and independence of the oppressed nationalities, and a standing menace to the honour, interest, and liberties of the British people.' The fourth and fifth demanded a Congress or a reference of the whole quarrel to a friendly Power, under Protocol 23 of the Treaty of Paris, appended on the initiative of Lord Clarendon.

Mr. Bright, in his address, was as outspoken as the delegates. In a speech full of his old tribune-spirit, he reviewed the conduct of the Government in spending the six millions recklessly, after the Commons had been assured that they would probably not be spent at all; in having determined on a policy which neither Lord

Carnarvon nor Lord Derby could endure, though the latter must have suffered terribly in separating himself from Lord Beaconsfield; in representing that the Fleet was sent into the Sea of Marmora for the protection of British interests, when it was now acknowledged that it was sent there as a menace; in declaring before Parliament adjourned that nothing was about to happen, when they were about to import thousands of Mahomedan soldiers to fight against the Christian nation of Russia; and in neglecting the House of Commons, which "either dare not ask for information, or when it asks is denied." This Government was the only obstacle to the Congress. The "British interests dodge has been dropped," and we are to go to war for European law, which outside these islands nobody understands. The Premier is the only real disturber of the nation, and his object is to restore Turkey, to sustain "that terrible oppression, that multitudinous crime which we call the Ottoman Government." That Minister for forty years had never been known to do anything of his own free mind for the advancement of the country, and no drop of English blood should be shed at his bidding. An election at Tamworth, where a retiring Conservative was replaced by Mr. Bass, a Liberal, in a very full poll, by a majority of nearly 600, was welcomed by his party as a sign of the times; but Mr. Hanbury, the retiring member, who, like his successor, was connected with the brewing interest, publicly declared that Tamworth would sell its soul for beer, and so denied the political value of the verdict. Meanwhile nothing but rumour was afoot abroad and at home; Germany, through her foreign dictator, Prince Bismarck, was striving with a will, men said, to bring the Congress to bear; but Russia was pressing southwards more and more; a large body of Mahomedans round the Rhodope Mountains had broken out in open insurrection, and in England war preparations were pushed rapidly on. If England would evacuate the Sea of Marmora, and retire to Besika Bay, Russia would fall back on Adrianople from the neighbourhood of the Turkish capital; if Russia would do the last, England would do the first. It was for this Prince Bismarck was said to be negotiating. Much virtue in an "if." It was a great time for journals and newspaper-boys, who sold out an edition on the strength of the "retirement of Lord Salisbury," which proved to be from the chairmanship of the Middlesex Sessions. One sad reality there was at home. The masters in the North and East Lancashire cotton trade gave notice of a 10 per cent. reduction of wages, driven to it, they said, by heavy losses they could meet in no other way, and a great strike followed, with all its surroundings of distress. At Preston the operatives yielded; but at Blackburn and Burnley there was riot-war. Trade and commerce were starving everywhere, and for the antics of Crowns and Ministers the people suffered as of old.

The departure of Count Schouvaloff on a mission from London to St. Petersburg, and the appointment of Prince Lobanoff to take