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roceedings in the Houses of Lords the chasm in the regal branch, and and Commons.

moyed a call of the House to take it On the meeting of the Houses on into consideration on the poth. The he 30th November, a report of the examination of the physicians pointed hysicians on the state of the King's out the species of insanity under ealth was brought up in both Houses, which bis Majesty laboured, held out nd in the Lower House the Chancel- hopes of recovery, but could not or of the Exchequer in hopes of the ascertain its early removal., 'Above King's amendment, moved for the all, it brought to light various periods urther adjournment of a fortnight, in which his majesty bait been in and if none appeared, that then the similar situations, and imatiersuslicient Hlouses should proceed to fill up the for very serious investigation, and due chasm in the royal authority. This regulation of those persons who are was opposed by Mr. Whitbread on the supposed, when the issue orders bythe ground of the impropriety of delay, king's auiburity and with his signature, but justified by 'Mr. Yorke. Mr. to liave received them from him. At Ponsonby went more at large into the the meeting of the limuse the 'bin. grounds of opposition, declaring cellor or he Exchquer brought fora his intention of dividing the House wa: ! iive propositions, the first, de. upon it, and moving for a coinmittee claring the incapacity of the king to examine the physicians.---Sir F. to perforin tile royal functions; the Burdett reprobated in very apt terms second aserting ihe right of the the pretended clelicacy of many gen- House to 50 ply the defect; and the tlemen, who forget that delicacv must third pointin, out the necessity of give way in great affairs of moment.- devising some mcans that the inval Mr. Wilberforce declared, that after assent show is be gisan to a bill on the balancing the matter in his mind for exercise of the royal authority during a considerable time, he could see no the king's indispo jion. On each of harm in the adjournment, and should these he dilated at con iderable length, therefore vote for it. Some other making the proceedings of 1758 hic members spoke, and on a division, precedent, according to which, the there appeared for it two hundred and Prince of Wales was in be Rexent thirty-three, and against it one hun- under certain restrictions, and the dred and twenty-nine. In the House Mucen to have the care of ille King's of Lords a similar adjournment was person. moved and carried.--Lord Grenville On the second resolution being pit winded up a speech against it with a from the chair, air f. Burilece teschool-boy quotation, but the Duke clared, that he could not assent to it, of Sussex made a deep impression on as it spoke of the Lords spiritual and the flouse by the reasons which he temporal, and Commons of the United gave for resisting the adjournment, Kingdoms, lawfullv, fullv, and frrely namely,that it was more consistent with representing all the estates of this the constitution to adjourn only from realm. This was contrary to trut), and day to day; and secondly, because he it was notorious that instances of corwished to ascertain in.whose care the ruption bad been proved of that King was to be placed, and that in House in which a hundred and fifty case of recovery the roval authority peers had great influence in the elecmight be restored to him pure and tion of its members. He denied that unimpaired.

the right of filling up the vacuity in On the 13th of December the the royal power had devolved upon Houses met again, and in the flouse the house, and if a precedent was to of Lords it was agreed that a com- be looked for in similar circumstanmittee should be appointed, and in ces we should look to the revolution of the llouse of Commons one was fixed 1688, when religious bigotry had inon to examine the physicians, after capacitated the then king, as which it adjourned to the 17th, when malady bad our present sovereign from a very voluminous report was brought the exercise of his functions. In up and ordered to be printed. The 1688 the city of London, the respecChancellor of the Exchequer gave an table gentry throughout the country, outline of his play for filling up who had sat in parliament, were called

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in a convention Parliament to settle King's illness.-Mr. Canning prefer.
the great interests of the nation: now red the precedents of 1788 in those of
a House, of which he gave some strong the restoration and revolution, and
features, summing up its titles in the spoke in ridicule of Sir Francis Bur.
name of the Walcheren Parliament, dett, as he wished to call in the as-
without any appeal to the people, sistance of the Lord Mayor and Com.
their constiebenis, 11 urped power for mon (ouncil to settle the regency.
themselves. The precedent of 1788 -Lord Temple followed the sanie
was formed by a faction which had no course as Lorel Joselyo ; but Mr.
other end in view, except that of re- Adam stienuously resisted it.-sir
taining their own places and emolu Samuel Romilly considered the reso-
ment. As to the filling up the present (utions as inconsistent with each other.
chasin, the Prince of Wales mighi In one, the right of the Lords and
have no right, for no one could tave Commons to fill up the vacancy is as-
a right, where there was no law, but serted, and yet that vacancy being
certainly his pretensions to rule were acknowledged the roval assent to a bill
greater than those of the House of was to be procured, to which his Ma.
Commons. Where there is no right, jesty could give no assent. The will
expediency must be consulted ; and of the Lords and Commons can in
surely it was more expedierit and more 00 wise be construed into the King's
analogous to the constitution to place will, nor can they by any means legis-
the regal power, where by legal course late for the nation. As well might a
it would go. On the subject of the set of men in commoy life make a
King's illness it appeareri, that the contract for a man under insanity,
people had been deceived, and that then employ a person as his solicitor
ministers had dared carry on to arix bis seal and signature to the
the government, while the executive deed. In fact, the personal presence
was incapacitated. The plan of a of the king, or of a commission siyu-
commission to give the King's assent ed by him, was essential to every act
to a bill, would bear only the appear- of legi-lation, and if the blouses could
ance of fraud--they were thus mal. dispense with this in one case they
ing a king which ihe ministers might mighi in others; they might make
put into their own pockeis; far differ- war or peace, or any thing else, and
ent thoughts did he evteitain of the say such was the King's plea-ure.
dignity and majesty of a king, who This mode of legislation was fraudu-
onght to be a great and an ethicient lent, and inconsistent with that open
magistrate. He should therefore enter and manly character which ought to
his solemo protest against the whole characterise every act of the legisla-
of the proceedings, as iniserable shans ture. - Mr. Whitbread spoke with
and pretences, as aiming a mortal great animation in favour of the pro-
stab at the constitution of the country, ceeding by address, which the House
and making an oligarchical House of rejected, there being for it one bude
Commons, varnished over with forms dred and fifty seven), against it two
to govern the country. The second hundred and sixt.-nine.
resolution was then read, and passed, On the next day the report of the
with the dissent of Sir Francis, but committee was brought up; and, on
without a division.

the second resolution being read, Lord On the third resolution being put, W. Russell objected to it as unnecesMr. Ponsonby objected to it, denying sary, and to the calling on the House the right of the Houses to command to vote abstract propositions. He the Chancellor to apply the King's therefore moved the previous quesseal to an act, and then to consider it tion, in which he was supported by Sir as having the royal sapction. They F. Burdett, who said, that it became were agreed as to the person of the re- the proposers of the resolution to shew gent, but differed on the mode, to in what its necessity consisted. Ne which he objected more than to the cessity implies the want of an alterra. limitations; and he moved, that an tive, but here there was an alternative. address be presented to bis Royal He agreed also with the noble lcrd in Highness, praying him to take the condemning abstract propositions, as söyal functions upon him during the the isstroduction of them tended only

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to fill the journals with a chaos of in- Mr. Stephen contended that the proconsistences. The way of duty in the ceedings in 1788 ought to be viewed present case is clear and plain. In as a complete precedent, and he conaddressing the Prince we do not usurp cluded with so fulsome a panegyric a disputed power, but exercise our on the sovereign for fifty years of vira undoubted right: we adhere to the tues, as required no comment from sound principles of the constitution any other speaker.-Mr. Wynne obby keeping within the sphere of our served, that if the Houses could, at own rigbts and duties. A gentleman this time, by their own power, declare had been facetious in bis remarks on the royal prerogative suspended, then the corporation of London, and the pass an act to render their own legisrecovery of his powers of pleasantry lative powers complete, they may do might be acceptable to the House. so at any other time when the King is The gloom, occasioned by the deaths in perfect health.-Mr. Wilberforce at Walcheren might well have re. said that the high character of the strained bim; for the miseries of that Prince of Wales was no reason for indisgraceful expedition, in which he vesting hin with unlimited power. had been convicted as having acted this present conduct did him eternal with a colleagne' whom he had de honour, as he looked like a good subnounced as unfit and inefficient, were ject of the realm to parliament to proenough to suspend his droileries, espe- vide for the deficiency. cially as he must reflect that there ne- Mr. Graitan asserted the plan of ver was a minister in this country who ministers to be repugnant to the conso much deserved impeachment. But stiution in two ways, first, as assurnthis gentleman might have recollected, ing an executive authority on the that the corporation of London was an part of the two houses, and again, as important body in our history; and it went in legislate without the royal it little became him to despise the city assent. The proceedings of 1788. were of London, who had not thought it no precedent, as they had not passed beneath his dignity to ineet at a city into an act.

Sir John Newport pas tavern a set of jobbers and contractors, surprised, that Mr. Stephen, represent. whom he entertained with speeches on ing an Irish borough, had not conaffairs of state. A learned gentleman descended, in his love for the preceseemed to argue, that there was a law dent of 1788–9, to look to the conbeyond the law, a constitutional some- duct of the Irish parliament, which thing, to be found only in the practice was more simple, avoiding all fiction of parliament: to this he could not as, and fallacy, and preventing unnecessent: he could take law as it was found sary delay. Including a recess of only in the acts of the legislature, not in four days, nine days only elapsed bethe practice of different parts of it. A tween the message of the Lord Lieuconstitution ineans nothing but cer- tenant and the adoption of an address tain things established, and to talk of to the Prince-Mr. Elliot asked, a law beyond the law was to talk of what power the House had of punishthings in the air. To the assertion ing the Chancellor if he should refuse then in the resolution he objected, the seal to this monstrous act. -- Mr. as assuming a right not belonging to Perceral replied at length, asserting them, and to the proceeding upon it that he would not defer doing that, as making the House part of the which the interest of the country crown, and thus violating the first might require, though such principle of the constitution.—Mr: might belong to the executive power, Lambe contended that the House had and even require the sign manual. the right of supplying the defect, and lle would out risque a murioy in cited the proceedings of the Long the army or navy for want of money, Parliament. He allowed the defects because the letter of the law could in the representation; but though not be complied with? Would the they were pot removed, the House was officers of the Exchequer refuse the the legal representation. But the order of the Treasury ? They could House could not make itself the King not refuse compliance, though they to assent to its own act, and he should might protest against the authority'; therefore oppose the bill as illegal.-- and he would act upon his owo re. sponsibility, regardless of the result. the tone of this night will call on Mr. Whitbread asked whether it was every one to examine past actions to be endured, that a Chancellor of with a scrutinizing eye.- After a few the Exchequer should invest himself words from Mr. Adam and Mr. Percewith powers subversive of every con- val, the House divided on the previous stitutional priociple? should assume question, these being for it 15, againt the controul over the public purse, it 98. Thus the pruceeding is to be apply the public money when and by bill, and the people have sufficient how he thought proper, and on a pre. food for reflection, on the excel. tended responsibility, trample upon lencies of our constitution, on which that throne which he is sworn to sop theoretical writers take so much port, and which he is, by his very pleasure in dilating, whilst so great actions, now crumbling into the dust. dificulty is found in bringing their The day of enquiry may conie, and theories into practice.

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