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from the contemporaneous exposition given as above by President Jefferson, who denies to the treaty-making power all constitutional authority to admit a foreign state or territory. Nor does Con

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gress possess this power, as the power of negotiation and of contracting with foreign nations by the Constitution is confined exclusively to the President and Senate. Besides its powers are all express and written down in that instrument, and no power to annex a foreign state or territory is given to Congress. By the 10th amendment all powers not expressly granted are reserved to the people and the states respectively, and hence the conclusion follows irresistably that the power in question resides in the people, the fountain of sovereignty, and must be exercised by amendment of our Constitution in the mode provided by it. By this rule of construction the people can maintain the control of their own government; national consolidation will be prevented and the limitations of the powers of the national administration, wisely adjusted by the Constitution, will be preserved. The people of the United States can safely be trusted to decide in the mode pointed out in the Constitution upon the admission of foreign territory or states, and as they alone have the power they alone must exercise it.

But the sound policy of our republic is to listen

to the warning voice of Washington and avoid all ambitious schemes of aggrandizement. If the American people lend an ear to projects for extending the territory of our republic now, when we possess a thousand millions of acres of wild land and space enough for the population of China in addition to our own, where is this wild ambition to end? Some Pericles or Alcibiades, aspiring to the supreme power of the republic, will be constantly urging plans of expansion and aggrandizement, the result of which may be fatal to our Union and destructive to our liberties. No man can foresee the result of such a system. Again the hostility of other nations would soon be excited by the exhibition of such a grasping spirit and our peace would be endangered. Our unparalleled progress has been owing to our just and pacific policy. We have heretofore relied on American industry and enterprise, on commerce, agriculture and manufactures, and on the mental and moral improvement of our people, and we have found the rich fruits of this wise policy in a great, intelligent and moral people moving on rapidly to the first rank among nations. Shall we exchange this wise, just and pacific plan for untried and dangerous schemes of grasping ambition? Wisdom forbids it. Our discovery that education gives to one man the industrial and ac

cumulative power of ten ignorant men, points to the territory over which we should seek to extend our jurisdiction. Let us improve and enlarge the means of making our people more intelligent and moral, raise the standard of education and diffuse its blessings, and we shall lay securely the foundations of our national power and glory. This is the true policy of our republic.

Our remarks are purely elementary, and so far as they may be deemed to bear on an existing question, they are adverse to our private pecuniary interest. On this and all other subjects we have regarded principle only, and not any temporary interest of ourselves or others. Those who differ from us will not fail to see that we disregard all private and party interests, and look only to what seems to be the deductions of right reason.

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The explanation which we have given shows why our national government can not reach slavery within the states. This question within each state belongs to it alone, and there is no constitutional power beyond a state to annul it. The state legislatures alone can do this, and to this solemn duty they are called by the warning voice of Washington, of Jefferson, of Monroe and other presidents and statesmen, as well as by humanity

and the law of self-preservation. We trust the time may not be distant, when the chivalry of the south may imitate Alexander of Russia, and nobly set their vassals free. The work must be gradual and may stretch over many years, but we look forward to the day when this foul stain upon the honor of our republic shall be wiped away. With the noble and high-minded statesmen and patriots of the south we leave this Christian duty. France, England and America, and even the great republic of humanity, have at last condemned slavery and the slave trade, and they must cease.

Our sketch will convey a general idea of the frame of our complex government, and this is all we have thus far aimed at. We have not proposed to specify all the powers given to govermental agents, or to point out all the limitations of authority. These are preliminary investigations to a discussion of the power and duty of the government of the Union in its leading internal relations to the states and to the People of the United States. The rights and duties of the Union grow out of the jurisdiction conferred by the Constitution.

Our brief suggestions on this subject are founded upon what we deem abiding and obvious principles of policy, and they are not intended to touch upon any question of party disputation.

SECTION THIRD. INVASION AND INSURRECTION.

The first great duty of the government of our Union is to preserve in each state a republican form of government, and to that end to employ the military power of the United States to sup-, press domestic insurrection or foreign invasion.

When foreign invasion of a state occurs, there need be little difference of opinion as to the duty of the President of the United States. For when any state is invaded, or imminently threatened with invasion from abroad, it is the duty of every governor of every state to obey the call of the President to arms. Though a case has occurred of an omission by the governor of a state to obey such order, on the ground that the militia were demanded in a case not contemplated by the Constitution, such omission will not be likely again to occur, as the true construction of the Constitution as now settled renders the President the sole judge of the necessity of the call for the militia.

Questions of delicacy have arisen under the oth. er branch of this subject. When an armed resistance of any law of the United States happens, the power and duty of the President to suppress it by the military arm is clear. But in the State of Rhode Island an anomalous case has arisen. The state, having continued to live under a Royal Charter as

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