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ing or relating; but when they consider that though dust blown into the eyes of a single person, or into a single shop on a windy day, is but of small importance, yet the great number of the instances in a populous city, and its frequent repetitions give it weight and consequence, perhaps they will not censure very severely those who bestow some attention to affairs of this seemingly low nature. Human felicity is produced not so much by great pieces of good fortune that seldom happen, as by little advantages that occur every day. Thus, if you teach a poor young man to shave himself, and keep his razor in order, you may contribute more to the happiness of his life than in giving him a thousand guineas. The money may be soon spent, the regret only remaining of having foolishly consumed it; but, in the other case, he escapes the frequent vexation of waiting for barbers, and of their sometimes dirty fingers, offensive breaths, and dull razors; he shaves when most convenient to him, and enjoys daily the pleasure of its being done with a good instrument. With these sentiments I have hazarded the few preceding pages, hoping they may afford hints which some time or other may be useful to a city I love, having lived many years in it very happily, and perhaps to some of our towns in America.

§ 10. Franklin appointed Postmaster-General.

for a Union of the Colonies.

He draws up a Plan

Having been for some time employed by the postmaster-general of America as his comptroller1 in regulating several offices, and bringing the officers to account, I was, upon his death in 1753, appointed, jointly with Mr. Wil

1 Comptroller: superintendent.

liam Hunter, to succeed him, by a commission from the postmaster-general in England. The American office never had hitherto paid any thing to that of Britain. We were to have six hundred pounds 1 a year between us, if we could make that sum out of the profits of the office. To do this, a variety of improvements were necessary; some of these were inevitably at first expensive, so that in the first four years the office became above nine hundred pounds in debt to us. But it soon after began to repay us; and before I was displaced by a freak of the ministers,2 of which I shall speak hereafter, we had brought it to yield three times as much clear revenue to the crown as the post-office of Ireland. Since that imprudent transaction, they have received from it not one farthing! 3

The business of the post-office occasioned my taking a journey this year to New England, where the College of Cambridge, of their own motion, presented me with the degree of Master of Arts. Yale College, in Connecticut, had before made me a similar compliment. Thus, without studying in any college, I came to partake of their honors. They were conferred in consideration of my improvements and discoveries in the electric branch of natural philosophy.

In 1754, war with France being again apprehended, a congress of commissioners from the different colonies was, by an order of the Lords of Trade," to be assembled

1 Pound: here, and in the case following, the pound sterling, or $5.00, is probably meant.

2 Ministers: the English political ministers, or cabinet.

3 Farthing: the smallest English coin, about half a cent.

* Congress: this was the fourth colonial convention, or congress, that had been held at Albany with reference to the French and Indian wars.

5 Lords of Trade: a commission or Board of Trade was organized in the seventeenth century to have the care of the American colonies, and "to put

at Albany, there to confer with the chiefs of the Six Nations 1 concerning the means of defending both their country and ours. Governor Hamilton, having received this order, acquainted the House with it, requesting they would furnish proper presents for the Indians, to be given on this occasion; and naming the speaker (Mr. Norris) and myself to join Mr. Thomas Penn and Mr. Secretary Peters as commissioners to act for Pennsylvania. The House approved the nomination, and provided the goods for the presents, though they did not much like treating out of the provinces; and we met the other commissioners at Albany about the middle of June.

SC

NC
ENJ

G

[Just before starting for Albany, Franklin published an article in his Gazette, urging the imperative necessity of a union of the colonies. The article had for a heading the accompanying woodcut representing a snake cut into pieces, each piece being labelled to represent one or more of the colonies, e.g. G. (Georgia), S.C. (South Carolina), etc., — and, with the appropriate motto UNITE OR DIE, the design was afterward used for a flag.]

M

P

UNITE OR DIE

NE

In our way thither, I projected and drew a plan for the

things into a form and order of government that should always preserve these countries in obedience to the crown." The members of the Board were later styled the "Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations" [colonies]. To this Board the colonial governors made their reports, and sent the accounts of the collector of customs, etc. It was at the instigation of this Board that an attempt was made in 1749 to overrule all the colonial charters, and make the orders of the king supreme in America.

1 Six Nations: a confederacy of six prominent Indian tribes formed in 1714.

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union of all the colonies under one government, so far as might be necessary for defense, and other important general purposes. As we passed through New York, I had there shown my project to Mr. James Alexander and Mr. Kennedy, two gentlemen of great knowledge in public affairs, and being fortified by their approbation, I ventured to lay it before the Congress. It then appeared that several of the commissioners had formed plans of the same kind. A previous question was first taken, whether a union should be established, which passed in the affirmative unanimously. A committee was then appointed, one member from each colony to consider the several plans and report. Mine happened to be preferred, and, with a few amendments, was accordingly reported.

By this plan the general government was to be administered by a president-general, appointed and supported by the crown, and a grand council was to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the several colonies, met in their respective assemblies. The debates upon it in Congress went on daily, hand in hand with the Indian business. Many objections and difficulties were started, but at length they were all overcome, and the plan was unanimously agreed to, and copies ordered to be transmitted to the Board of Trade, and to the assemblies of the several provinces. Its fate was singular: the assemblies did not adopt it, as they all thought there was too much prerogative1 in it, and in England it was judged to have too much of the democratic.2 The Board of Trade therefore did not

1 Prerogative: here, royal power.

2 Too much of the democratic: it conceded too much power to the people; reflecting men in England even then "dreaded American union as the keystone of independence.” — Hutchinson, III. 23.

approve of it, nor recommend it for the approbation of his majesty; but another scheme was formed, supposed to answer the same purpose better, whereby the governors of the provinces, with some members of their respective councils, were to meet and order the raising of troops, building of forts, etc., and to draw on the treasury of Great Britain for the expense, which was afterwards to be refunded by an act of Parliament laying a tax on America. My plan, with my reasons in support of it, is to be found among my political papers that are printed.1

Being the winter following in Boston, I had much conversation with Governor Shirley upon both the plans. Part of what passed between us on the occasion may also be seen among those papers. The different and contrary reasons of dislike to my plan make me suspect that it was really the true medium; and I am still of opinion it would have been happy for both sides the water if it had been adopted. The colonies, so united, would have been sufficiently strong to have defended themselves; there would then have been no need of troops from England; of course, the subsequent pretence for taxing America, and the bloody contest it occasioned, would have been avoided. But such mistakes are not new: history is full of the errors of states and princes.

"Look round the habitable world, how few

Know their own good, or, knowing it, pursue!"

Those who govern, having much business on their hands, do not generally like to take the trouble of considering and carrying into execution new projects. The best public

1 See Sparks's Works of Franklin, Vol. III. pp. 22-55.

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