CHAP. X.]

HAMILTON'S PROSPECTS AND MOTIVES.

539

character for me to answer the letter. Will any notice of it in any manner be proper?"1

General Hamilton had never contemplated taking part in the scheme, but as the commander of an army. The United States must furnish the land forces to entitle him to the command. Individuals could not muster such an army and its supplies for want of funds; and the attempt to openly enlist and organize in the United States a large force against a friendly power would certainly bring its projectors in conflict with our neutrality laws. And were all these obstacles overcome, individuals could not give that national guaranty which was one of the main features of the plan. England would not be at all likely to enter into quasi-international stipulations and measures with a band of private adventurers. The United States Government must assume the undertaking, or the American branch of it must wholly fail. There could be no rational hope that the American Government would embark in it directly, or by any roundabout course, against the recommendations of the Executive. Were it otherwise, the command of the expedition would depend upon the Executive will.

Mr. Adams's dry and peculiar answer to Miranda's proposal, and his subsequent conduct in respect to France, gave no hope that he could be persuaded or dragged into the scheme. Not another word appears to have been said to him on the subject. When the death of General Washington left Hamilton without any adventitious protection from the man on whom he had inflicted so many injuries and humiliations, Mr. Adams evidently only awaited an opportunity to settle up scores with him. The approaching Presidential election imposed restraints; but his angry mutterings against the "British party in the United States" could not be wholly suppressed.

Hamilton stood indeed in a discouraging position, in the winter and spring of 1800. He knew that "a large proportion" of the Federalists "still retained the attachment" for Mr. Adams "which was once a common sentiment" among them.' He could not prevent his renomination. If he was elected the Miranda scheme was as much past subsequent resuscitation as it would be in the event of Jefferson's success. Mr. Adams had

1 Adams's Works, vol. viii. p. 600.

2 See his letter on the conduct, etc., of Mr. Adams, 1800. Works, vol. vi. p. 725.

540

THE MIRANDA SCHEME IN 1800.

[CHAP. X. but to ascertain Hamilton's complicity in it, and his hopes connected with it, to become its vehement foe, and perhaps to publicly expose the concealed negotiations with England.' And if Mr. Adams was reëlected, Hamilton had every reason to expect that not only his gorgeous South American visions would all fade into utter impossibilities, but that he would be compelled henceforth to face the hatred and fears of the Republicans, reinforced by the hostility of that large majority of Federalists whom he conceded Mr. Adams led.

Is it asked why we continue to place the Miranda scheme among the causes which were likely to form motives to Hamilton's conduct in 1800? It is generally understood that Mr. Adams's refusal to entertain the project in October, 1798, gave it its death-blow. This in reality was the fact. But it gave no death-blow to Hamilton's hopes or efforts. It was in 1799 that he made his disclosures to Gunn, Otis, and others in Congress, and called for great military preparations for this confidentially avowed object. He expected to bring to bear circumstances which would force Mr. Adams into acquiescence. In 1800, he had despaired of the latter; but had he yet given up hopes of his scheme? If so, what mean his declarations to King, January 5th, 1800, that "if the projected cipher was established, he should then have very much to say to him "-that "the arrangement is not yet mature"-that he soon "hopes to make it so, by forwarding" to his correspondent "the counterpart which was in preparation "--that "everything was in the main well,” except from the perverseness of " one," etc.?

After studying their previous correspondence, these mysterious references will be seen to point as unmistakably to the Miranda scheme, as if it had been named.

Something besides personal hostility and partisan interest, therefore, conspired to urge Hamilton to look with disfavor on Mr. Adams's election. He resolved to defeat it; and the means and their results will hereafter appear.

If the authority for our hypothesis of Hamilton's feelings in respect to Mr. Adams is asked for, we refer the reader back to the already quoted letter of Hamilton to King, January 5, 1800. We will repeat a paragraph:

"The leading friends of the Government are in a sad dilemma. Shall they risk a serious schism by an attempt to change? Or shall they annihilate themselves and hazard their cause by continuing to uphold those who suspect or hate them, and who are likely to pursue a course for no better reason than because it is contrary to that which they approve

CHAPTER XI.

1800-1801.

Removal of Seat of Government to Washington-Wolcott's, Morris's and Mrs. Adams's Descriptions of the New Capital-Presidential Canvass in 1800-Hamilton's Plan to defeat Mr. Adams-Result of New York Election-Adams removes McHenry and Pickering-Wolcott's Retention, and the Vacancies filled-Effect of the Change-The Legislative Election in New York decides the choice of Electors in that State-Hamilton solicits Governor Jay to practically set aside that Decision-Jay's marked Condemnation of the Proposal-That Proposal a part of a larger Scheme to prevent a fair Election-Some of Hamilton's Assertions to Jay considered-The adoption of his Plans would have led to Civil War-Did he contemplate that Result?-His Tour through New England-Calls on Wolcott for Materials for a Secret Attack on the President-Wolcott promises his Aid-The ex-Secretaries join in this-Other Confederates-Posture of these men as described by themselves-Hamilton's Attack printed for private circula. tion-Obtained by Burr and published-Some of Hamilton's remarkable Statements in it examined-The Effect of the Paper-Comments of Carroll and Cabot-Comments of Republican Press-Hamilton meditates a Reply-Wisely desists Jefferson in the Summer of 1800-His Journeyings-Family Census-Farm Matters-Election Expenses -His Correspondence-Attack on him by New England and New York Clergy-Rev. Dr. John M. Mason's Pamphlet-Causes to which Jefferson imputed these AttacksResult of Legislative Election in Pennsylvania-Result in Maryland-Second Session of Sixth Congress President's Speech-Wolcott's Retirement-Jefferson to R. R. Livingston and to Burr-How far Burr contributed to the Republican Success in New YorkBurr suspected of Intriguing in New York for the Presidency-Accused of it on strong Evidence in New Jersey-His Instruments approach a Member of Congress Jefferson to Political and Scientific Correspondents-House of Representatives agree on Rules of Election-The Electoral Votes counted in the Senate-M. L. Davis's Fabrications concerning the Georgia Returns The Result a Tie between Jefferson and BurrThe prior Arrangements of the Federalists for such a Contingency-Hamilton to Bayard and Wolcott-Proposes to start Burr "for the Plate," but objects to the Federalists supporting him-Pronounces him the Catiline of America, etc.-Further Correspondence on this Subject-Positions of Cabot, Otis and Sedgwick-Morris's important Disclosures-Marshall's and Bayard's Positions-Sedgwick changes Ground-Hamilton's final Appeal-Adams to Gerry-The Opinions of Jefferson disclosed by preceding Correspondence-Hamilton's unfortunate Position to produce any Effect-Federal Caucus decide to support Burr-The Conduct of the Party considered-Jefferson to his Daughter-Incidents of House of Representatives meeting to Ballot for PresidentResult of the Ballot-Political Complexion of the Vote-The continued BallotingsRandolph's and Dana's Bulletins-Jefferson to Dr. Barton, Monroe, Mrs. Eppes, etc.Entries in the Ana-The Struggle terminated-Jefferson's Obligations to Federalists considered-The entire Advantage of the Republicans if Force was resorted to-The Arbitration of Arms expected by both parties in case of Usurpation or AnarchyBurr's reprehensible Conduct during the Struggle in the House-His probable resort to all safe Means to procure an Election.

THE removal of the seat of Government to Washington took place in June, 1800. Though this spot had been for twelve

542

THE NEW CAPITAL.

[CHAP. XI. years designated for the future and permanent capital, it still remained in a very primitive state. Wolcott gave a general description of the town, the public buildings, etc., in a letter to his wife on the 4th of July, from which the following is taken :

"The capitol is situated on an eminence, which I should suppose was near the centre of the immense country here called the city. It is a mile and a half from the President's house, and three miles on a straight line from Georgetown. There is one good tavern, about forty rods from the capitol, and several other houses are built or erecting; but I do not see how the members of Congress can possibly secure lodgings, unless they will consent to live like scholars in a college, or monks in a monastery, crowded ten or twenty in one house, and utterly secluded from society. The only resource for such as wish to live comfortably will be found in Georgetown, three miles distant, over as bad a road in winter as the clay grounds near Hartford. I have made every exertion to secure good lodgings near the office, but shall be compelled to take them at the distance of more than half a mile. There are, in fact, but few houses in any one place, and most of them small, miserable huts, which present an awful contrast to the public buildings. The people are poor, and, as far as I can judge, they live like fishes, by eating each other. You may look in almost any direction, over an extent of ground nearly as large as the city of New York, without seeing a fence or any object except brick-kilns and temporary huts for laborers. . All the lands which I have described are valued at fourteen to twenty-five cents the superficial foot. There appears to be a confident expectation that this place will soon exceed any city in the world.” 1

Governeur Morris wrote a female acquaintance in Europe, after the assembling of Congress, a few months later:

"We want nothing here but houses, cellars, kitchens, well-informed men, amible women, and other little trifles of this kind to make our city perfect; for we can walk here as if in the fields and woods, and, considering the hard frost, the air of the city is very pure. I enjoy more of it than any one else, for my room is filled with smoke whenever the door is shut. If, then, you are desirous of coming to live at Washington, in order to confirm you in so fine a prospect, I hasten to assure you, that freestone is very abundant here; that excellent bricks can be burned here; that there is no want of sites for magnificent hotels; that contemplated canals can bring a vast commerce to this place; that the wealth, which is its natural consequence, must attract the fine arts hither; in short, that it is the very best city in the world for a future residence." 2

Not far from the same period, Mrs. Adams, in a letter to her daughter, gave a still livelier picture of the nascent capital :

"I arrived here on Sunday last, and without meeting with any accident worth noticing, except losing ourselves when we left Baltimore, and going eight or nine miles on the Frederic road, by which means we were obliged to go the other eight

1 Gibbs's Administrations of Washington and Adams, vol. ii. p. 377.

2 Morris to the Princess de la Tour et Taxis, Dec. 14th, 1800. Sparks's Morris, vol. iii. p. 129

CHAP. XI.]

THE NEW CAPITAL.

543

through woods, where we wandered two hours without finding a guide, or the path. Fortunately a straggling black came up with us, and we engaged him as a guide to extricate us out of our difficulty; but woods are all you see from Baltimore until you reach the city, which is only so in name. Here and there is a small cot, without a glass window, interspersed amongst the forests, through which you travel miles without seeing any human being. In the city there are buildings enough, if they were compact and finished, to accommodate Congress and those attached to it; but as they are, and scattered as they are, I see no great comfort for them. The river, which runs up to Alexandria, is in full view of my window, and I see the vessels as they pass and repass. The house is upon a grand and superb scale, requiring about thirty servants to attend and keep the apartments in proper order, and perform the ordinary business of the house and stables; an establishment very well proportioned to the President's salary. The lighting the apartments from the kitchen to parlors and chambers is a tax indeed, and the fires we are obliged to keep to secure us from daily agues is another very cheering comfort. To assist us in this great castle, and render less attendance necessary, bells are wholly wanting, not one single one being hung through the whole house, and promises are all you can obtain. This is so great an inconvenience, that I know not what to do, or how to do. The ladies from Georgetown and in the city have many of them visited me. Yesterday I returned fifteen visits-but such a place as Georgetown appears—why our Milton is beautiful. But no comparisons;-if they will put me up some bells, and let me have wood enough to keep fires, I design to be pleased. I could content myself almost anywhere three months; but, surrounded with forests, can you believe that wood is not to be had, because people cannot be found to cut and cart it! Briesler entered into a contract with a man to supply him with wood. A small part, a few cords only, has he been able to get. Most of that was expended to dry the walls of the house before we came in, and yesterday the man told him it was impossible for him to procure it to be cut and carted. He has had recourse to coals; but we cannot get grates made and set. We have, indeed, come into a new country.

"You must keep all this to yourself, and when asked how I like it, say that I write you the situation is beautiful, which is true. The house is made habitable, but there is not a single apartment finished, and all withinside, except the plastering, has been done since Briesler came. We have not the least fence, yard, or other convenience, without, and the great unfinished audience room I make a drying-room of to hang up the clothes in. The principal stairs are not up, and will not be this winter. Six chambers are made comfortable; two are occupied by the President and Mr. Shaw; two lower rooms, one for a common parlor, and one for a levee-room. Up-stairs there is the oval room, which is designed for the drawingroom, and has the crimson furniture in it. It is a very handsome room now; but, when completed, it will be beautiful. If the twelve years, in which this place has been considered as the future seat of Government, had been improved, as they would have been if in New England, very many of the present inconveniences would have been removed. It is a beautiful spot, capable of every improvement, and the more I view it, the more I am delighted with it." 1

The Presidential canvass opened warmly in the summer of 1800.

Mrs. Adams's Letters, vol. ii. p. 239.