374

JEFFERSON'S FEELINGS TOWARDS WASHINGTON. [CHAP. VII.

in the Ana. But we hold it necessary to make occasional examples. And we were peculiarly well situated to do so in this instance, holding in our hands abundant evidences of "Clerk John's" character in his own handwriting and over his own proper signature.

No better occasion will present itself for declaring what were the real personal feelings of Jefferson towards Washington during the political hurricanes of the two years and a half that preceded the descent of the latter to the tomb. They came to differ very widely in politics. General Washington concurred. in all the main measures of John Adams's Administration which were most fiercely opposed by the Republicans. Surrounded by false witnesses and designing informers, he wrote, and probably said, severe things of the Republican party and its leaders. His correspondence of the period abounds with these expressions. He objected, for example, in 1798, to giving commissions to Republicans in the provisional army, then forming, on the ground that whatever were their protestations of willingness to fight for their country, they could not be trusted.'

Jefferson was the chief of this distrusted party. The decisive struggle of 1800 was approaching, and he believed the Constitution hung in the scales. His blood was as red and warm as other men's; he was as ready as other men to stand by his cause and face its foes. He in a very few instances, principally to his own and Washington's late confidential friend, Madison, blames General Washington politically. In an instance or two his language is warm, but it is never outrageous. And the eye of friendship or enmity will look in vain through his most confidential writings, for a shadow of an imputation on Washington's integrity, or perfect purity of motives. Whatever he blamed in him he attributed to the effects of his being misled. There is we think no place where, altogether, he speaks so freely in respect to the causes of their differences, as in the introduction to the Ana, and there he declares emphatically that Washington "was true to the Republican charge confided to him." That person does not live, nor ever lived, who heard him utter a word of a different or disrespectful tenor."

We will quote or cite some of these expressions, when they are reached in the order of this narrative.

2 This statement requires no corroboration, but the following sentence in a let

CHAP. VII.] HIS FEELINGS TOWARDS WASHINGTON.

375

Mr. Jefferson's family heard him often speak of Washington during the last twenty years of his own life. They never in an instance knew him to utter, intimate, or acquiesce in by silence, a word that contained a vapor of disrespect towards Washington. On the other hand they heard him repeatedly-uniformlyspeak of him in terms of profound and undivided respect. As Mr. Jefferson grew old and his memory began to dwell more on early than recent events, his expressions towards Washington became more affectionate.

One of Mr Jefferson's family narrated to us the following incident. He said the circumstance made such a vivid impression on his mind that "he could now mention the precise spot where it occurred." It was but a few months before Mr. Jefferson's death. They had been riding together. The night had just fallen, and the stars were forth in that glory which they assume in the clear atmosphere of the Virginia mountains. Our informant had been reading an effort to heroize Washington by pigmyizing all his great contemporaries-and it irritated him. On Washington's name being mentioned, he vented the feelings of the moment, in an expression implying that posterity would not be misled by this really selfish adulation. Mr. Jefferson's eye appeared to be resting on a constellation which hung blazing on the rim of the Blue Ridge. His voice took a tone which informed familiar ears that his feelings were deeply moved. Deliberately, and solemnly he replied: "Washington's fame will go on increasing until the brightest constellation in yonder heavens is called by his name."

The order of narrative now carries us back to the summer of 1797.

A letter to Col. Stuart of August 15th, conveying the Diploma of the American Philosophical Society, reminds us of a fact hitherto unmentioned-namely, that in the preceding January Mr. Jefferson had been elected President of that most honorable and useful Institution.

ter to us from Mr. Sparks (May 27th, 1856) will be read with satisfaction by some persons:

"You allude to Jefferson's opinions of Washington, and the manner in which he was accustomed to speak of him. I once passed two or three weeks with Lafayette at La Grange. During his last visit to the United States, he was at Monticello. I remember a conversation with him on this subject, in which he said that while he was there Mr. Jefferson uniformly spoke of Washington with the highest respect, and with strong. expressions of personal regard."

376

SIGNAL OF SEDITION LAW.

[CHAP. VII.

A circumstance which strongly attracted the notice and disturbed the feelings of Mr. Jefferson at this period, was the following. A term of the United States District Court had opened at Richmond, May 22d. Judge Iredell converted a portion of his charge to the Grand Jury into a political harangue, and they, under such prompting, returned the following presentment:

"We, of the Grand Jury of the United States, for the District of Virginia, present as a real evil, the circular letters of several members of the late Congress, and particularly letters with the signature of Samuel J. Cabell, endeavoring, at a time of real public danger, to disseminate unfounded calumnies against the happy government of the United States, and thereby to separate the people therefrom, and increase or produce a foreign influence ruinous to the peace, happiness, and independence of the United States."

Here sounded the first note of the Sedition Law, and Jefferson understood the signal. He had remained silent on the topic during the extra session,' but had not failed to note the exultation with which it was received by the dominant party, and from that and other circumstances he anticipated the war on the State governments and on liberty of speech for which the Federalists were fast ripening. He wrote Monroe, September 7th, explaining his fears, and making some suggestions. He thought the attempt on liberty of speech in Cabell's case ought to go before the Virginia House of Delegates, and that they ought to send it to the General Court: that it might not be amiss to consider how far a revised and modified law of pramunire should be revived, against "all citizens who attempted to carry their causes before any other than the State Courts, in cases where those other courts have no right to their cognizance."

Nothing of importance occurred in the history of Mr. Jefferson's home life and domestic pursuits, during this season. The

We ought to have mentioned, however, when quoting his political letters, written after Mr. Adams's war message (as Jefferson considered it) at the extra session, that this most aggressive, and, to say the least of it, misjudged and improper assault on his representative and personal and political friend Cabell, and the manner in which information of that assault had been received in and about Congress, produced a very decided and painful effect on Jefferson's feelings. It satisfied him that the dominant party had resolved to throw away the scabbard. Now, such action in a federal Court, against a member of Congress for expressing his opinions in decent language to his constituents, would only be received with a hiss of derision throughout the Union. Then, it meant something, as the passage of the Sedition Law not long afterwards, and the action which took place under it, very forcibly demonstrated.

CHAP. VII.]

DOMESTIC AFFAIRS.

377

new portions of his house had been roofed in and mostly completed, before he left home to attend the extra session. The farm book presents nothing striking. A table of the actual rotations of crops on each field of the whole of his home estate (comprising Monticello, Tufton, Shadwell, Lego, etc.) shows that he had now got his system, in that particular, fully introduced. The roll of slaves included one hundred and twenty-two.

CHAPTER VIII.

1797-1798.

66

Congress meet-Strength of Parties-Lull in Affairs-Adams's amusing Commentary on his Inaugural Speech-First Dispatches from France-President rampant-Fast-dayCongress on Fire-Spriggs's Resolutions-Two Letters from Jefferson to Eppes-The XYZ Dispatches-The Result of our Extraordinary Embassy to France-Popular Excitement-Republicans suddenly reduced to a feeble Minority-War Measures rapidly pass Congress-Character of Gallatin, the Republican Leader of the HouseAddresses and Answers-Jefferson against War, but declares if it takes place, ΠΟ must defend ourselves"-Hamilton complains of Unfortunateness of English Depradations at such a time-He urges on War Measures against France-Proposes a Political Tour to Washington under "pretence of Health"-Marshall's Return from France-President's Message-War Spirit bursts out anew-Legislation against "Interior Foes"-Time for Naturalization extended-The first Alien Law-Army raised-French Treaties annulled-Other War Measures-Second Alien Law-The Sedition Law-Lloyd's Bill-Hamilton's Views on these Bills-The Black CockadeWho were the Foreigners against whom the Alien Laws were directed?-The number of French, English and Irish Alien Residents-The Circumstances which drove the latter to our Country-Attempt of the American Minister in England to prevent their Emigration Society of "United Irishmen" in Philadelphia-Rights of Naturalized Citizens and Alien Residents-Political and Moral Character of the Irish Refugees-Mr. Jefferson's Letters to his Daughters-His Domestic Affairs, etc.-His Anticipation of an Attempt against him personally-His imputed Connection with Logan's Mission the pretext-His Letter to Archibald Hamilton Rowan-Invites him to Virginia, and promises him Protection against the Alien Laws-President Adams's Inconsistent Course in regard to those Laws-Doubts their Constitutionality, yet authorizes their enforcement-Pickering looking up Subjects-The Number of dangerous French and Irish Aliens discovered-The Sedition Law more effective-Lyon, a Member of Congress, fined and imprisoned-Petitioners for his Release found Guilty of Sedition, fined and imprisoned-Holt, Publisher of New London Bee, Thomas Cooper, and James T. Callendar, fined and imprisoned-Baldwin fined for "wishing" Judge Peck arrested-Number of the Victims The Aim of the Law as disclosed by the Decisions under it-The President appoints Officers of the New Army-Intrigue of Cabinet to place Hamilton over Knox and Pinckney-Pickering reveals one of the President's proposed Nominations to secure its Rejection-Turpitude of the Transaction-Proceedings of French Government after sending away Marshall and PinckneyTalleyrand's Pacific Overtures-As he advances Gerry recedes-Their CorrespondenceGerry's Departure-Directory pass Decrees more favorable to the United StatesLogan's Reception-Assurances sent to Mr. Adams by him-Lafayette's Assurances of Pacific Intentions of France-American Consuls and Private Residents in France send home similar Assurances-Talleyrand communicates such Assurances to American Minister at the Hague.

THE time fixed for the meeting of Congress was the 13th of November, but a quorum did not assemble until the 22d, owing