326

JEFFERSON'S MOTIVES.

[CHAP. VI The ultra-Federalists understood Mr. Adams's leanings as well as they were understood by himself and the Republicans. Hamilton wrote King, February 15th:

"Mr. Adams is President, Mr. Jefferson Vice-President. Our Jacobins say they are well pleased, and that the lion and the lamb are to lie down together. Mr. Adams's personal friends talk a little in the same way: Mr. Jefferson is not half so ill a man as we have been accustomed to think him. There is to be a united and a vigorous administration.' Skeptics like me quietly look forward to the event, willing to hope, but not prepared to believe. If Mr. Adams has vanity, 'tis plain a plot has been laid to take hold of it. We trust his real good sense and integrity will be a sufficient shield." 1

Hamilton, in his letter on "The public conduct and character of John Adams," etc., published in 1800, said:

"The outset [of Mr. Adams's Presidency] was distinguished by a speech which

book, he was in England-he had witnessed considerable evils and eruptive symptoms arising from the Democratical institutions in his own country-his mind was filled with the history of past Democracies.

*

*

*

"Do you know that in his youth he was a thorough-going Democrat; and have you ever seen his letter to Mr. Wythe?' 'No!' 'Well, sir, Mr. W. always entertained a great regard for him, in fact, sir, when the delegation came back, their mouths were full of his praises-his eloquence-his logical argumentativeness. Mr. W. wrote to ask his opinions on a form of government; and his answer proves that he went as far in his choice of the Democratic principle, as any man even now does in these States. Every office was to be annually elective. The Government was to have not only the most complete dependence on, but the closest sympathies with the people.' There is considerable excuse for the wanderings (the word used was one taken from astronomy) of the eastern politicians. Many eruptive symptoms had appeared among them; a jealous, levelling spirit, such as to create just alarm. There was a strong inclination manifested in that section not to pay debts, not to do anything which could tend to create wealth. So strong was this, that it influenced the votes of their representatives. On the question for paying the army, we had eight States; it required nine. It turned on the vote of Connecticut. These representatives were Dyer, a man of gentlemanly manners, who had seen the world (he had been to England), but not of very sound principle. Wolcott, an honest man. Wolcott determined that he would brave the storm that awaited him at home. Dyer hung back. He was of course very much pressed. At length, he consented, on condition that it should be referred to a committee, and that he should be allowed to write a preamble. In this he was indulged. You know the very proper principle that the resolution is first adopted; and then, the preamble; in order that the latter may be made to fit. This was the course in this instance. The resolution being adopted-the preamble came under consideration. Whereupon, a good many criticisms were made upon the preamble (not in earnest; but some of the members felt provoked at the uneasiness which D. had caused them to experience), and he was kept for an hour as pale as a sheet under the apprehension that his preamble would be rejected." (Written directly after by N. P. T.)

Under the date of 16th, is one of those parenthetical anecdotes which Mr. Madison's humor and irresistible way of relating made such a seasoning to his familiar and especially his table-talk.

Some days previous, speaking of the distress experienced during the Revolution : "Did I ever tell you of the loss of my hat?” "No." "Well, sir, I was staying at Bp. Madison's in Williamsburg (he was not yet Bp. by-the-by), and my hat was stolen out of the window in which I had laid it. It was about a mile from the house to the palace, and I was kept from going to the latter two days, by the impossibility of getting a hat of any kind. At last, however, I obtained one from a little Frenchman who sold snuff-very coarse-an extremely small crown and broad brim, and it was the subject of great merriment to my friends."

Hamilton's Works, vol. vi. p. 206.

CHAP. VI.]

FEDERAL VIEWS OF ADAMS'S ATTITUDE.

327

his friends lamented as temporizing. It had the air of a lure for the favor of his opponents, at the expense of his sincerity.

"The considerations which had reconciled me to the success of Mr. Pinckney, were of a nature exclusively public. They resulted from the disgusting egotism, the distempered jealousy, and the ungovernable indiscretion of Mr. Adams's temper, joined to some doubts of the correctness of his maxims of administration. Though in matters of finance he had acted with the Federal party, yet he had more than once broached theories at variance with his practice. And in conversation he repeatedly made excursions in the field of foreign politics, which alarmed the friends of the prevailing system."1

Elsewhere in the paper, the intimation that Mr. Adams, though he acted for the Treasury Schemes, so far as his official position required, talked against them, appears in the more explicit declaration that he gave "the sanction of his opinion to the worst of the aspersions which the enemies of the Administration [Washington's] had impudently thrown upon it”—had "stooped himself to become one of its calumniators." "

Letters written just before and just after Mr. Adams's acces sion to the Presidency by a multitude of other leading ultra Federalists, more or less directly show that they entertained similar suspicions in regard to Mr. Adams's political opinions and leanings. We will cite a few of the first that present themselves: General Schuyler (Hamilton's father-in-law) to Hamilton, March 19th;' O. Wolcott, sen., to O. Wolcott, jr., March 20th; Ames to O. Wolcott, jr., March 24th; Jeremiah Wadsworth to O. Wolcott, jr., March 26th."

That Adams most keenly felt and resented their preference for Pinckney, the ultra-Federalists had no doubt. Hamilton directly charged, in the paper we have quoted from, that it was the source of the "schism which had since grown up in the Federal party "—that "Mr. Adams never could forgive the men who had been engaged in the plan"-that "he had discovered bitter animosity against several of them"-that "against him [Hamilton] his rage had been so vehement as to have caused him, more than once, to forget the decorum which, in his situation, ought to have been an inviolable law"-that "it would not appear an exaggeration to those who had studied his charac

1 See Hamilton's Works, vol. vii. p. 695.

2 Ib. p. 701.

Ib. vol. vi. p. 213.

Gibbs's Memoirs, etc., vol. i. p. 176. • Ib. p. 477. • Tb p. 478.

328

JEFFERSON'S PLAN WISELY UNACTED ON.

[CHAP. VI.

ter, to suppose that he was capable of being alienated from a system to which he had been attached, because it was held by men whom he hated."

1

We are enabled, in the light of the preceding facts, to properly estimate the hypothesis that Jefferson proposed a coalition with a thorough-going opponent, and with a man he expected to meet at least half way in yielding up opinions and principles; and then that the lure thrown out to Mr. Adams's somewhat old political virginity and simplicity was the proffer of the support of the minority instead of that of the majority! And we are enabled to properly estimate a much more important matter in question Jefferson's real motives and expectations in suggesting such a union. There remains no reasonable doubt that he expected to absorb Mr. Adams into a substantially complete coaction with the Republicans. Had the offer of the Republican support been formally made and accepted by the latter, those familiar with all the circumstances and with the characters of the several actors, will have very little doubt that Mr. Jefferson's expectations of the result would not have been materially disappointed. It would have been a shorter step for Mr. Adams to go among the Republicans in 1797, than it was to go among them as he did, a few years later, after meanwhile placing himself in a far wider position of political and personal hostility to them.

It is to be regarded as fortunate, however, that Madison did not act on the suggestion of Jefferson made on a partial view from his "retired canton ;" or, at all events, that no such union took place between the Republicans and the moderate Federalists. Mr. Adams was imprudent, headstrong, irascible and capricious. Men of the prudence and tact of Jefferson and Madison, might have kept consistency and smooth sailing as long as they could remain close about his person. But there was no telling what sudden explosion might follow their momentary absence, or the approach of such ignited masses as Giles. It is amusing to observe the tone, half of gratification and half of readiness to scent offence, with which Mr. Adams described to his wife, the rough and rapid wooing of the unceremonious Virginia partisan. And then we suspect that no proof can be

Hamilton's Works, vol. vii. p. 696.

Letter of December 12, 1796.

CHAP. VI.]

DEFEAT FAR PREFERABLE.

329

found that Mr. Adams would have considered himself called upon to retire at the close of a second term; and that the probabilities lean decidedly the other way.

At best, things would have rested on an insecure basis, with a man, to borrow Madison's expressive phrase, of so "ticklish" a temper; and unfortunate deviations or concessions might have been sometimes required to keep harmony with him, and with that handful of moderate Federal leaders whom he would bring to the alliance.

It was far better that the Republicans should be kept in the minority, four years longer, and when they did come into power, that they should come with no shackles on their action, no "old men of the sea," on their shoulders. Besides, in 1796-7, a victory of the Republicans conld not of possibility have been decisive. Parties had not ripened and exposed their real aims. Had the Federalists been defeated either in that election, or by a subsequent union of the moderates, they would have gone down ostensibly with the mantle of Washington covering them. -ostensibly but a conservative republican party. It was well that they were allowed a trial when the eye and ear of the great and good Statesman were no longer in a place to discover and control their machinations. It was necessary that Icarus should guide his own flight and attempt a higher one than the wise Dædalus, to make his fall certain and fatal!

result of the PennHe found that geo

The moment Mr. Jefferson learnt the sylvania election, he discovered his error. graphical considerations had not prevailed. And he caught with marvellous celerity a great political idea. Speaking of a territorial dispute between Virginia and Maryland, in a letter to Madison, January 22d (1797), he said:

"Let us cultivate Pennsylvania and we need not fear the universe." (And the idea thus expands.) "Let but this block [Virginia] stand firm on its basis, and Pennsylvania do the same, our Union will be perpetual, and our general Government kept within the bounds and form of the Constitution."

In the same letter to Mr. Madison (written before receiving an answer to his preceding one of January 1st), he said that he was happy to learn that Mr. Adams "spoke of him with great friendship and with satisfaction in the prospect of administering government in concurrence with him," and he added:

the

330

JEFFERSON APPROVES MADISON'S COURSE.

[CHAP. VI.

"I am glad of the first information, because though I saw that our ancient friendship was affected by a little leaven, produced partly by his constitution, partly by the contrivance of others, yet I never felt a diminution of confidence in his integrity, and retained a solid affection for him. His principles of government I knew to be changed, but conscientiously changed. As to my participating in the administration, if by that he meant the Executive cabinet, both duty and inclination will shut that door to me. I cannot have a wish to see the scenes of 1793 revived as to myself, and to descend daily into the arena like a gladiator, to suffer martyrdom in every conflict. As to duty, the Constitution will know me only as the member of a legislative body: and its principle is, that of a separation of legislative, Executive, and judiciary functions, except in cases specified. If this principle be not expressed in direct terms, yet it is clearly the spirit of the Constitution, and it ought to be so commented and acted on by every friend to free government."

Receiving Madison's reply to his letter of January 1st, he

wrote:

To JAMES MADISON.

MONTICELLO, January 30, 1707. Yours of the 18th came to hand yesterday. I am very thankful for the discretion you have exercised over the letter. That has happened to be the case, which I knew to be possible, that the honest expression of my feelings towards Mr. Adams might be rendered mal-apropos from circumstances existing, and known at the seat of Government, but not known by me in my retired situation. Mr. Adams and myself were cordial friends from the beginning of the Revolution. Since our return from Europe, some little incidents have happened, which were capable of affecting a jealous mind like his. His deviation from that line of politics on which we had been united, has not made me less sensible of the rectitude of his heart; and I wished him to know this, and also another truth, that I am sincerely pleased at having escaped the late draft for the helm, and have not a wish which he stands in the way of. That he should be convinced of these truths, is important to our mutual satisfaction, and perhaps to the harmony and good of the public service. But there was a difficulty in conveying them to him, and a possibility that the attempt might do mischief there or somewhere else; and I would not have hazarded the attempt, if you had not been in place to decide upon its expediency. It has now become unnecessary to repeat it by a letter.

In letters of this period to Mr. Langdon of New Hampshire, Mr. Sullivan and Gerry of Massachusetts, Doctor Rush of Pennsylvania, etc., he most pointedly asserted that his having been a candidate for the Presidency, was contrary to his inclinations, and that he preferred the second office.

that

This undoubtedly refers to Madison's letter dated 15th, which we have given. Our copy has the date of 15th, but both editions of Mr. Jefferson's Works the 18th, as above. There has been a slip of the pen or of the type. Randolph's edition generally very accurately printed. The other is a blotch of errors, and we the same letters with Randolph's edition, they were copied wom the latter ere it gives (unnecessary) trouble of making copies of the MSS. for the printer. If this is, it adds nothing to the authority of the text of Randolph's en.