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youth, the preserver of my life. By that name alone do I remember you.'

There was a momentary pause. The speech had evidently produced a conciliating effect; perhaps memories of the past had come over him.

He replied:

'Your errand? Come you as a friend? or only like others, to torment me with idle words? I have had visitors already; gay gibbering fools with forked tongues, who would counsel me to dishonour. Have you been sent upon a like mission?'

From this speech I concluded that Scott-the pseudo-friend-lad already been with the captivelikely on some errand from the agent.

'I come of my own accord-as a friend.' 'George Randolph, I believe you. As a boy, you possessed a soul of honour. The straight sapling rarely grows to a crooked tree. I will not believe that you are changed, though enemies have spoken against you. No-no; your hand, Randolph-your hand! forgive me for doubting you.'

I reached through the darkness to accept the proffered salute. Instead of one, I grasped both hands of the prisoner. I felt that they were manacled together for all that, the pressure was firm and true; nor did I return it with less warmth.

Enemies had spoken against me. I needed not to ask who these were: that had been already told me; but I felt it necessary to give the captive assurance of my friendship. I needed his full confidence to insure the success of the plan which I had conceived for his liberation; and to secure this, I detailed to him what had transpired by the pond-only a portion of what had passed. There was a portion of it I could not intrust even to the ears of a brother.

I anticipated a fresh paroxysm of fury, but was agreeably disappointed. The young chief had been accustomed to harsh developments, and could outwardly control himself; but I saw that my tale produced an impression that told deeply, if not loudly, upon him. In the darkness, I could not see his face; but the grinding teeth and hissing ejaculations were expressive of the strong passions stirring within.

'Fool!' he exclaimed at length--' blind fool that I have been! And yet I suspected this smooth-tongued villain from the first. Thanks, noble Randolph! I can never repay this act of chivalric friendship; henceforth you may command Oçeola!'

'Say no more, Powell; you have nothing to repay: it was I who was the debtor. But come, we lose time. My purpose in coming here is, to counsel you to a plan for procuring your release from this awkward confinement. We must be brief, else my intentions

may be suspected.'
What plan, Randolph ?'
'You must sign the treaty of the Oclawaha.

CHAPTER XLVIII.

THE WAR-CRY.

A single 'Ugh!' expressive of contemptuous surprise, was all the reply; and then a deep silence succeeded.

I broke the silence by repeating my demand. 'You must sign it.'

'Never!' came the response, in a tone of emphatic determination-'never! Sooner than do that, I will linger among these logs till decay has worn the flesh from my bones, and dried up the blood in my veins. Sooner than turn traitor to my tribe, I will rush against the bayonets of my jailers, and perish upon the spot. Never!'

'Patience, Powell, patience! You do not understand me-you, in common with other chiefs, appear to misconceive the terms of this treaty. Remember,

it binds you to a mere conditional promise-to surrender your lands and move west, only in case a majority of your nation agree to it. Now, to-day a majority has not agreed, nor will the addition of your name make the number a majority.'

'True, true,' interrupted the chief, beginning to comprehend my meaning.

'Well, then, you may sign, and not feel bound by your signature, since the most essential condition still remains unfulfilled. And why should you not adopt this ruse? Ill-used as you certainly have been, no one could pronounce it dishonourable in you. For my part, I believe you would be justified in any expedient that would free you from so wrongful an imprisonment.'

Perhaps my principles were scarcely according to the rules of moral rectitude; but at that moment they took their tone from strong emotions; and to the eyes of friendship and love the wrong was not apparent.

Oceola was silent. I observed that he was meditating on what I had urged.

"Why, Randolph,' said he, after a pause, 'you must have dwelt in Philadelphia, that famed city of lawyers. I never took this view before. You are right; signing would not bind me-it is true. But think you that the agent would be satisfied with my signature? He hates me; I know it, and his reasons. I hate him, for many reasons; for this is not the first outrage I have suffered at his hands. Will he be satisfied if I sign?'

'I am almost certain of it. Simulate submission, if you can. Write your name to the treaty, and you will be at once set free.'

I had no doubt of this. From what I had learned since Oçeola's arrest, I had reason to believe that Thompson repented his conduct. It was the opinion of others that he had acted rashly, and that his act was likely to provoke evil consequences. Whispers of this nature had reached him; and from what the captive told me of the visit of the aid-de-camp, I could perceive that it was nothing else than a mission from the agent himself. Beyond doubt, the latter was tired of his prisoner, and would release him on the easiest terms.

'Friend! I shall act as you advise. I shall sign. You may inform the commissioner of my intention." 'I shall do so at the earliest hour I can see him. It is late shall I say good-night?'

'Ah, Randolph! it is hard to part with a friend— the only one with a white skin now left me. I could have wished to talk over other days, but, alas! this is neither the place nor the time.'

The haughty mien of the proud chief was thrown aside, and his voice had assumed the melting tenderness of early years.

'Yes,' he continued, the only white friend leftthe only one I have any regard for one other whom I'

He stopped suddenly, and with an embarrassed air, as if he had found himself on the eve of disclosing some secret, which on reflection he deemed it imprudent to reveal.

I awaited the disclosure with some uneasiness, but it came not. When he spoke again, his tone and manner were completely changed.

"The whites have done us much wrong,' he continued, once more rousing himself into an angry attitude-'wrongs too numerous to be told; but, by the Great Spirit! I shall seek revenge. Never till now have I sworn it; but the deeds of this day have turned my blood into fire. Ere you came, I had vowed to take the lives of two, who have been our especial enemies. You have not changed my resolution-only strengthened it; you have added a third to the list of my deadly foes: and once more I swear

-by Wykome, I swear-that I shall take no rest till the blood of these three men has reddened the leaves of the forest-three white villains, and one red traitor. Ay, Omatla! triumph in your treason-it will not be for long-soon shalt thou feel the vengeance of a patriot-soon shalt thou shrink under the steel of Oceola.'

I made no reply; but waited in silence till this outburst of passion had passed.

In a few moments the young chief became calm, and again addressed me in the language of friendship. 'One word,' said he, 'before we part. Circumstances may hinder us-it may be long ere we meet again. Alas! our next meeting may be as foes in the field of fight-for I will not attempt to conceal from you that I have no intention to make peace. No-never! I wish to make a request; know, Randolph, you will accede to it, without asking an explanation. Accept this token, and if you esteem the friendship of the giver, and would honour him, wear it conspicuously upon your breast. That is all.'

As he spoke, he took from around his neck a chain, upon which was suspended the image of the rising sun-already alluded to. He passed the chain over my head, until the glistening symbol hung down upon my breast.

I made no resistance to this offering of friendship, but promising to comply with his request, presented my watch in return; and, after another cordial pressure of hands, we parted.

*

*

As I had anticipated, there was but little difficulty in obtaining the release of the Seminole chief. Though the commissioner entertained a personal hatred against Oçeola-for causes to me unknown-he dared not indulge his private spite in an official capacity. He had placed himself in a serious dilemma by what he had already done; and as I communicated the purposed submission of the prisoner, I saw that Thompson was but too eager to adopt a solution of his difficulty, easy as unexpected. He therefore lost no time in seeking an interview with the captive chief.

The latter played his part with admirable tact; the fierce, angry attitude of yesterday had given place to one of mild resignation. A night in the guardhouse, hungered and manacled, had tamed down his proud spirit, and he was now ready to accept any conditions that would restore him to liberty. So fancied the commissioner.

The treaty was produced. Oçeola signed it without saying a word. His chains were taken off-his prison-door thrown open-and he was permitted to depart without further molestation. Thompson had triumphed, or fancied so.

It was but fancy. Had he noticed, as I did, the fine satirical smile that played upon the lips of Oceola as he stepped forth from the gate, he would scarcely have felt confidence in his triumph.

He was not allowed to exult long in the pleasant hallucination.

Followed by the eyes of all, the young chief walked off with a proud step towards the woods.

On arriving near the edge of the timber, he faced round to the fort, drew the shining blade from his belt, waved it above his head, and in defiant tones shouted back the war-cry: "Yo-ho-ehee!'

Three times the wild signal pealed upon our ears; and at the third repetition, he who had uttered it turned again, sprang forward into the timber, and was instantly lost to our view.

There was no mistaking the intent of that demonstration; even the self-glorifying commissioner was convinced that it meant war to the knife,' and men were hurriedly ordered in pursuit.

An armed crowd rushed forth from the gate, and

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Gallagher and I had stayed all the morning in my quarters, expecting the order that would confine me there. To our astonishment, it came not: there was no arrest.

In time, we obtained the explanation. Of my two duelling antagonists, the first had not returned to the fort after his defeat, but had been carried to the house of a friend-several miles distant. This partially covered the scandal of that affair. The other appeared with his arm in a sling; but it was the impression, as Gallagher learned outside, that his horse had carried him against a tree. For manifest reasons the interesting invalid had not disclosed the true cause of his being 'crippled,' and I applauded his silence. Except to my friend, I made no disclosure of what had occurred, and it was long before the affair got wind.

Upon duty, the aid-de-camp and I often met afterwards, and were frequently compelled to exchange speech; but it was always of an official character, and, I need not add, was spoken in the severest reserve.

It was not long before circumstances arose to separate us; and I was glad to part company with a man for whom I felt a profound contempt.

CHAPTER XLIX.

WAR TO THE KNIFE,

For some weeks following the council at Fort King, there appeared to be tranquillity over the land. The hour of negotiation had passed-that for action was nigh; and among the white settlers the leading topic of conversation was how the Indians would act? Would they fight, or give in? The majority believed they would submit.

Some time was granted them to prepare for the removal-runners were sent to all the tribes, appointing a day for them to bring in their horses and cattle to the fort. These were to be sold by auction, under the superintendence of the agent; and their owners were to receive a fair value for them on their arrival at their new home in the west. Their plantations or 'improvements' were to be disposed of in a similar manner.

The day of auction came round; but, to the chagrin of the commissioner, the expected flocks did not make their appearance, and the sale had to be postponed.

The failure on the part of the Indians to bring in their cattle was a hint of what might be expected; though others, of a still more palpable nature, were soon afforded.

The tranquillity that had reigned for some weeks was but the ominous silence that precedes the storm. Like the low mutterings of the distant thunder, events now began to occur, the sure harbingers of an approaching conflict.

As usual, the white man was the aggressor. Three Indians were found hunting outside the boundary of the 'reserve.' They were made captives by a party of white men, and fast bound with raw-hide ropes, were confined in a log-stable belonging to one of the party. In this situation they were kept three days and nights, until a band of their own tribe hearing of their confinement, hastened to their rescue. There was a skirmish, in which some Indians were wounded; but the white men fled, and the captives were released.

'On bringing them forth to the light, their friends

beheld a most pitiable sight'-I am quoting from a faithful history-'the rope with which these poor fellows were tied had worn through the flesh; they had temporarily lost the use of their limbs, being unable to stand or walk. They had bled profusely, and had received no food during their confinement, so it may readily be imagined that they presented a horrible picture of suffering.'

Again: Six Indians were at their camp near Kanapaha Pond, when a party of whites came upon them, took their guns from them, examined their packs, and commenced whipping them. While in the act, two other Indians approached, and seeing what was going on, fired upon the whites. The latter returned the fire, killed one of the Indians, and severely wounded the other.'

Exasperation was natural—retaliation certain. On the other side, read:

'On the 11th of August, Dalton, the mail-carrier between Fort King and Fort Brooke, was met within six miles of the latter place by a party of Indians, who seized the reins of his horse, and dragging him from the saddle, shot him dead. The mangled body was discovered some days afterwards concealed in the woods.'

'A party of fourteen mounted men proceeded on a scout towards Wacahonta-the plantation of Captain Gabriel Priest-and when within one mile of the place, they came upon a small hommock, through which some of the party declined passing. Four of them, however, dashed into it, when the Indians suddenly arose from ambush, and fired upon them. The two in advance were wounded. A Mr Foulke received a bullet in his neck, but was picked up by those in his rear, and borne off. The other, a son of Captain Priest, had his arm broken, and his horse shot dead under him. He fled, and sinking his body in a swamp, succeeded in eluding the search of the pursuers.'

'About the same time, a party of Indians attacked a number of men, who were employed cutting liveoak timber on an island in Lake George. The men escaped by taking to their boats, though two of their number were wounded.'

Simple historic facts. I quote them as illustrating the events that ushered in the Seminole war. Barbarous though they be, they were but acts of retaliation-the wild outburst of a vengeance long pent up -a return for wrongs and insults patiently endured. As yet, no general engagement had taken place; but marauding parties sprang up simultaneously in different places. Many of those who had inflicted outrage upon the Indians were forthwith repaid; and many barely escaped with their lives. Conflagration succeeded conflagration until the whole country was on fire. Those who lived in the interior, or upon the borders of the Indian reserve, were compelled to abandon their crops, their stock, their implements of husbandry, their furniture, and indeed every article of value, and seek shelter within the forts, or concentrate themselves in the neighbouring villages, around which stockades were erected for their better security.

The friendly chiefs-the Omatlas and otherswith about four hundred followers, abandoned their towns, and fled to Fort Brooke for protection.

The strife was no longer hypothetical, no longer doubtful; it was declared in the wild Yo-ho-ehee! that night and day was heard ringing in the woods.

CHAPTER L.

TRACING A STRANGE HORSEMAN.

As yet but few troops had reached Florida, though detachments were on the way from New Orleans, Fort Moultrie, Savannah, Mobile, and other depôts, where the soldiers of the United States are usually stationed. Corps of volunteers, however, were being hastily levied in the larger towns of Georgia, Carolina, and Florida itself; and every settlement was mustering its quota to enter upon the campaign.

It was deemed advisable to raise a force in the settlements of the Suwanee-my native district-and on this duty my friend Gallagher was despatched, with myself to act as his lieutenant.

longing.

Right gladly did I receive this order. I should escape from the monotonous duties of the fort garrison, of which I had grown weary enough; but what 'At New River, on the south-east side of the penin- was a still more pleasant prospect, I should have sula, the Indians attacked the house of a Mr Cooley-many days at home-for which I was not without murdered his wife, children, and a tutor engaged in the family. They carried off twelve barrels of provisions, thirty hogs, three horses, one keg of powder, over two hundred pounds of lead, seven hundred dollars in silver, and two negroes. Mr Cooley was absent at the time, On his return, he found his wife shot through the heart with her infant child in her arms; and his two oldest children also shot in the same place. The girl still held her book in her hands, and the boy's lay by his side. The house was in flames.'

'At Spring Gorden on the St Johns, the extensive plantation of Colonel Rees was laid waste, and his buildings burnt to the ground. Sugar-cane, sufficient to manufacture ninety hogsheads, was destroyed; besides thirty hogsheads of sugar, and one hundred and sixty-two negroes were carried off. The mules and horses were also taken. The same Indians destroyed the buildings of M. Depeyster, with whose negroes they formed a league; and being supplied with a boat, they crossed the river, and fired the establishment of Captain Dummett. Major Heriot's plantation was laid waste; and eighty of his negroes moved off with the Indians. Then on towards San Augustine, where the extensive plantations of General Hernandez were reduced to a ruin-next Bulow's, Dupont's of Buen Retiro, Dunham's, M'Rae's of Tomoka Creek, the plantations of Bayas, General Herring, and Bartalone Solano, with nearly every other from San Augustine southward.'

Gallagher was as overjoyed as myself. He was a keen sportsman; though, having spent most of his life within the walls of cities, or in forts along the Atlantic seaboard, he had found only rare opportunities of enjoying either the 'fox-chase' or 'deer-drive." I had promised him both to his heart's content, for both the game and the 'vermin' were plenteous in the woods of the Suwanee.

Not unwillingly, therefore, did we accept our recruiting commission; and, bidding adieu to our companions at the fort, set out with light hearts and pleasant anticipations. Equally joyous was Black Jake to get back once more to the ole plantayshun.'

In the quarter of the Suwanee settlements, the Indian marauders had not yet shewn themselves. It lay remote from the towns of most of the hostile tribes, though not too distant for a determined foray. In a sort of lethargic security, the inhabitants still remained at their houses-though a volunteer force had already been mustered-and patrols were kept in constant motion.

I had frequent letters from my mother and Virginia; neither appeared to feel any alarm: my sister especially declared her confidence that the Indians would not molest them.

Withal, I was not without apprehension; and with so much the greater alacrity did I obey the order to proceed to the settlements.

Well mounted, we soon galloped over the forest

road, and approached the scenes of my early life. This time, I encountered no ambuscade, though I did not travel without caution. But the order had been given us within the hour; and having almost immediately set forth, my assassin-enemies could have had no warning of my movements. With the brave Gallagher by my side, and my stout henchman at my back, I dreaded no open attack from white men.

My only fear was, that we might fall in with some straggling party of red men-now our declared enemies. In this there was a real danger; and we took every precaution to avoid such an encounter.

At several places we saw traces of the Indians nearly fresh. There were moccasin prints in the mud, and the tracks of horses that had been mounted. At one place we observed the débris of a fire still smouldering, and around it were signs of the red men. A party had there bivouacked.

But we saw no man, red or white, until we had passed the deserted plantation upon the creek, and were approaching the banks of the river. Then for the first time during our journey a man was in sight. He was a horseman, and at a glance we pronounced kim an Indian. He was at too great a distance for us to note either his complexion or features; but the style of dress, his attitude in the saddle, the red sash and leggings, and above all, the ostrich-plumes waving over his head, told us he was a Seminole. He was mounted upon a large black horse; and had just emerged from the wood into the opening, upon which we had ourselves entered. He appeared to see us at the same time we caught sight of him, and was evidently desirous of avoiding us.

After scanning us a moment, he wheeled his steed, and dashed back into the timber.

Imprudently enough, Gallagher put spurs to his horse and galloped after. I should have counselled a contrary course; but that the belief was in my mind that the horseman was Oçeola. In that case, there could be no danger; and from motives of friendship, I was desirous of coming up with the young chief, and exchanging a word with him. With this view, I followed my friend at a gallop-Jake coming on in the rear.

I was almost sure the strange horseman was Oçeola. I fancied I recognised the ostrich-plumes; and Jake had told me that the young chief rode a fine black horse. In all likelihood, then, it was he; and in order to hail, and bring him to a halt, I spurred ahead of Gallagher-being better mounted.

We soon entered the timber, where the horseman had disappeared. I saw the fresh tracks, but nothing more. I shouted aloud, calling the young chief by name, and pronouncing my own; but there was no reply, save the echo of my voice.

I followed the trail for a short distance, continuing to repeat my cries; but no heed was given to them. The horseman did not wish to answer my hail, or else had ridden too far away to understand its intent.

Of course, unless he made a voluntary halt, it was vain to follow. We might ride on his trail for a week without coming up with him. Gallagher saw this as well as myself; and abandoning the pursuit, we turned once more towards the road, with the prospect of soon ending our journey.

A cross-path, which I remembered, would bring us by a shorter route to the landing; and for this we now headed.

We had not ridden far, when we again struck upon the tracks of a horse-evidently those made by the horseman we had just pursued, but previously to our having seen him. They led in a direct line from the river, towards which we were steering.

Some slight thought prompted me to an examination of the hoof-prints. I perceived that they were wetwater was oozing into them from the edges; there was

a slight sprinkling of water upon the dead leaves that lay along the trail. The horseman had been swimming-he had been across the river!

This discovery led me into a train of reflection. What could he-an Indian-want on the other side? If Oçeola, as I still believed, what could he be doing there? In the excited state of the country, it would have been risking his life for an Indian to have approached the Settlement-and to have been discovered and captured would have been certain death. This Indian, then, whoever he was, must have some powerful motive for seeking the other side. What motive? If Oçeola, what motive?

I was puzzled-and reflected; I could think of no motive, unless that the young chief had been playing the spy-no dishonourable act on the part of an Indian.

The supposition was not improbable, but the contrary; and yet I could not bring myself to believe it true. A cloud had swept suddenly over my soul, a presentiment scarcely defined or definable was in my thoughts, a demon seemed to whisper in my ears: It is not that.

Certainly had the horseman been across the river? Let us see!

We rode rapidly along the trail, tracing it backwards. In a few minutes it guided us to the bank, where the tracks led out from the water's edge. No corresponding trail entered near. Yes, he had been across. I plied the spur, and plunging in, swam for the opposite shore. My companions followed without asking any questions.

Once more out of the river, I rode up the bank. I soon discovered the hoof-marks of the black horse where he had sprung off into the stream.

Without pausing, I continued to trace them backwards, still followed by Gallagher and Jake.

The former wondered at my eagerness, and put some questions, which I scarcely answered coherently. My presentiment was each moment growing darker my heart throbbed in my bosom with a strange indescribable pain.

The trail brought us to a small opening in the heart of a magnolia grove. It went no further. We had arrived at its end.

My eyes rested upon the ground with a sort of mechanical gaze. I sat in the saddle in a kind of stupor. The dark presentiment was gone, but a far darker thought occupied its place.

The ground was covered with hoof-tracks, as if horses had been halted there. Most of the tracks were those of the black horse; but there were others of not half their dimensions. There was the tiny shoe-mark of a small pony.

'Golly! Massr George,' muttered Jake, coming forward in advance of the other, and bending his eyes upon the ground; 'lookee dar-dat am tha track ob de leettle white Fox. Missa Vaginny's been hya for sartin.'

THE CITY OF LONDON. THE long-promised measure for the reform of the corporation of the city of London has recently been brought forward in the House of Commons; and perhaps this may be a suitable time for giving to our readers a sketch of that great corporation, which has hitherto successfully resisted all the attempts that have been made for its reformation, and which has had influence enough, even at the last, to turn away, in a great measure, the destruction which threatened its cherished privileges.

The antiquity of London is undoubtedly very great: it is mentioned by Tacitus as a 'great mart of trade and commerce;' but the corporation, unlike most of the other municipal corporations of the

kingdom, has no definite constitutional charter at all; its rights result from a series of royal grants or charters, from statutes of the realm, and from orders and ordinances of the courts of aldermen and common council. The Anglo-Saxon law of King Athelstan mentions it; and though we do not find it named in Domesday-book, yet a charter of William the Conqueror, addressed to the bishop, the 'Portgerefa,' or chief-magistrate, and the 'Burhwara,' or burghers, recognises it as a city. This is the earliest charter in the possession of the city, the latest is one granted by George II., in the fifteenth year of his reign; and the total number of charters amounts to 120. The boundaries of the city were fixed at a very early period; and the area enclosed by them, as compared with the metropolis generally, is very small; the former comprises little more than a square mile; while that of the latter is, from north to south, about eleven miles; and from east to west, about sixteen miles, or about 176 square miles. Within the last fifty years, the metropolis has nearly doubled its population, the city remaining almost stationary. Besides the city, properly so called, the corporation has exercised a certain jurisdiction over the borough of Southwark. This was granted in the year 1327, in consideration of a yearly rent of L.10. They hold courts-leet for the borough, appointing the steward and other officers, including the highbailiff and coroner. They also go through the form of holding quarter-sessions. A grand jury is impannelled, and are addressed to this effect: Gentlemen, by virtue of certain charters, we have been obliged to call you together; we are happy to tell you there is nothing for you to do.' Then the jury say: Why did you then call us together?' The answer given by the late recorder, Mr Law, was: 'Surely it is better to call you together and say: "Now you may go home," than to keep you here two or three days.' This jurisdiction the new bill proposes entirely to do away with, and for the future the borough of Southwark will be constituted in all respects like the other metropolitan boroughs.

The city of London is governed by a lord-mayor, a court of aldermen, and a court of common council, whose full title is, 'The Lord-mayor, Aldermen, and Commoners of the City of London.' The lord-mayor is elected annually; and the form of his election is for the livery in common hall assembled, which is composed of the members of the different city companies, who are also citizens, to nominate two of the aldermen who have served the office of sheriff-usually the two senior ones below the chair-and for the court of aldermen to select one of those presented by the livery. The lord-mayor is the chief-magistrate of the city, is a member of the privy council, though it is doubtful whether he can take his seat, except upon the demise of the crown; and he has an allowance of L.10,000 assigned to him out of the revenues of the city, together with the official residence of the Mansion House, to enable him to keep up the accustomed state and hospitality of the city. The aldermen are twentysix in number: one elected by each ward of the city, and one for a ward which has now ceased to exist, and to which the senior member of the court usually succeeds by rotation. When elected, they remain in office for life. The title of alderman may be traced back as early as the time of Henry II.; but being a Saxon term, it has probably existed much longer. Each alderman has the government of the ward for which he is elected; and in ancient times, the Watch, then an efficient body, was under his command; and he bore his coat of arms and banner as a baron. The aldermen are all justices of the peace, and attend in rotation the police-courts of the city, and are named in the commission of the central criminal court. They assemble together, and form a court of their own,

but are also members of the court of common council, and ex officio governors of the royal hospitals. The court of common council consists of two hundred and six members, also elected by the different wards, though only for one year, like the popular representatives under every constitution. This court is now the most important, their principal function being their unlimited command over the funds of the city. The court is presided over by the lord-mayor, who has power to dissolve a meeting at any time, by ordering the sword-bearer to take up the sword. The sheriffs are two in number, the shrievalty of London and Middlesex being united in one office. They are elected by the livery in common hall, and not appointed by the crown, as is the case in all other counties. A fine of L.400 is imposed on a person refusing to serve the office; and the sum obtained by the levying of these fines during the first fifty years of the present century, amounted to more than L.66,000. The corporation has several important officers of its own, the recorder being the chief: his duties are chiefly judicial; and by him the city appears whenever any of its customs are called in question. The common serjeant, who is the counsel for the city, also sits as a judge in some of the courts; and the chamberlain, who is the treasurer of the city funds, likewise holds a position of importance and emolument: his office is generally considered as a kind of provision for decayed aldermen.

The funds of the corporation are very large, the revenue for the year 1852 amounting to L.551,971, 58. 4d. It is derived from the rents of the city's landed estates and house-property, from street-tolls, the coalduty, the metage of corn, fruit, &c., the harbour-dues of the port of London, and the various rates assessed on the inhabitants. The city has also large estates in the north of Ireland, which they acquired by a grant from the crown in the time of James I. That district was then in a most unsettled and disaffected state, and the rebellion of the Earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel had caused large forfeitures of land there. The king wishing to repeople this part of his dominions, the corporation undertook to settle it at their own expense. Large estates were allotted to each of the companies who had contributed, and the property has continued to be managed by a committee of the corporation. Its revenues are applied partly in grants to the municipal institutions of Londonderry, and partly to charitable and educational purposes in the districts around that town and Coleraine.

The city of London has the power of levying tolls on certain articles, and exercises some other rights corresponding very much with the custom-duties levied by the crown. It claims the right to measure all corn landed within its jurisdiction, and for this, some small toll is charged. It is compulsory; and the city uses its own bushel for the purpose. The exercise of this right alone adds about L.10,000 a year to the revenues; it also extends to all fruit imported from abroad, and all sea-borne oysters. A toll of twopence upon all carts entering the city which do not belong to citizens, is also levied; and this comparatively small toll produces in the course of the year more than L.5000. The city exercises jurisdiction over the navigation of the Thames, from Staines in Middlesex, to Yantlet Creek, in Kent; and these metage rights extend not only to goods landed within the limits of the city, but also to goods landed anywhere within its jurisdiction. The conservancy of the Thames also belongs to the lord-mayor, and has some valuable rights attached to it. There was formerly a metage-duty upon coal, but this has been commuted into a fixed duty on the ton. There are now three duties imposed upon all coal imported either by land or water into a district extending

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