with a miserable daub. Garnish and flowers serve all very well to set off a dinner-table and the dishes upon it, but would be found a very poor substitute for the dinner itself. In the matter of education, however, most people seem to think quite otherwise; their maxim is to provide the garnishing at all events, whether anything more can be furnished or not. What passes under the name of a good education might often, with greater propriety than not, be described as an exceedingly bad and injurious one; at the best as mere veneering, apt to crack and fall off if the articles coated with it are roughly handled or brought into constant use. Showy accomplishments may serve the purpose of catching husbands, but not that of making valuable or happy wives. Perhaps, therefore, it is a wiser fashion than most fashions are, to lose no time in congratulating a married couple, for in many cases the felicitations of friends would be most awkwardly out of season if deferred till some moons after the honey' one. By-theby, in nothing is the want of economy more signally shown than in management of that same matrimonial honey, the whole stock of which is frequently all devoured up in the first little month of married life. Irrelevant as it may be deemed in itself, this last remark at least reminds us of the title of our theme, and recalls us from those zig-zag digressions in which we may be thought to have been playing the truant from it, a reproach to which we would rather plead guilty than to that of treating a humdrum subject after a prosing humdrum fashion. Nevertheless, however far we have apparently wandered from it, we have not forgotten our leading subject; for our purpose has been partly to show that it forms no part of any system of education, as the term is usually understood, to inculcate lessons of economy and the other homelier virtues, which are seldom attempted to be taught by direct precept, and perhaps still seldomer by example. Rather is there reason to apprehend that, under the notion of thereby bringing up their children genteelly,' too many parents allow them to contract habits and ideas quite at variance with what economy or prudence would dictate, such as both unfit them for their own station and prevent them from attaining a higher one by either diligence or energy. Want of economy, in other words miscalculation on the part of parents, frequently fixes families in a false position, and subjects them to the worst dependence of all, dependence on the chapter of accidents. The common idea entertained of economy restricts it to merely domestic and pecuniary matters-to overlooking butchers' and bakers' bills and other tradesmen's accounts. It is imagined to belong to that petty branch which consists in housewifery and thriftiness, both of which are apt to degenerate into narrow sordidness. True economy, however, comprehends very much more, for it may be defined to be a provident calculation of one's means, together with such application of them as shall ensure the greatest advantage and enjoyment. Consequently it is very much more than mere thrift or selfish saving, for the mere sake of saving, which may be said to be economy in a mistake. Rarely is generosity or any nobleness of feeling coupled with the latter quality; whereas economy is generous because it can afford to be so, while extravagance is frequently as avaricious and sordid as it is profuse, merely because it cannot afford to be otherwise. No matter what a man's fortune may be, economy, or proper management, is equally essential, whether it be calculated by hundreds or by tens of thousands. The standard of economy, therefore, must vary according to means and other circumstances, just as the coat must be fitted to the size of its wearer; for the measure that would suit one person would be ridiculously too large or too small for another. What would be praiseworthy economy under some circumstances would be most beggarly meanness and stinginess under opposite ones, and vice versa. Hence the science of economy cannot be reduced to formal rules and prescriptions; or rather the science itself consists in knowing how to frame the prescription according to the individual case. This much, indeed, may be laid down as a safe general rule for guidance, to estimate one's means and resources much lower than they really are, and the demands likely to be made upon them at the very highest amount; by this means the difference will be found on the safe and agreeable side. Farther, it is advisable not to take favourable contingencies into account, as if they were certainties; on the contrary, always make allowance for contingencies of a different kind, for mishaps, disappointments, and unforeseen demands. Above all, pitch your general scale of expenditure rather considerably beneath than at all over your mark. Never live up to the very edge of your means, except they be so narrow that you cannot possibly do otherwise; or so wide, that should you chance to trip or stumble you can fall back instead of falling overboard. A two-foot plank may carry a man safely across a stream, but a bridge affords a more secure passage. Simple and obvious as these rules are-and they are so much so, that it seems almost impertinent to bring them forward-daily experience convinces us that they are either not understood or else wilfully disregarded by numbers. With the most disastrous examples before their eyes as warnings, it is the too frequent practice for persons to launch out, at the very first, into a style of living, which, if not at the time actually beyond their means, is such that the slightest untoward circumstance-no allowance having been made for the possibility of its occurrence-throws them into difficulties; and as false shame and 'What will Mrs Grundy say?' prevents them from adopting the plain straightforward mode of extricating themselves, by pulling up instantly, their difficulties go on increasing in such formidable ratio that they can never extricate themselves at all, but continue floundering about all the rest of their lives. Although economy is not the most brilliant virtue in itself, certainly not one that captivates and dazzles the imagination, it is the prop of many other virtues. The want of it is often followed by want of principle, by meanness, servility, dependence, and by the disregard of both honour and justice. There have been not a few who might have passed through life in competence and ease, and with unblemished reputations, some of them even men of superior abilities, but who, despising the homely virtue of economy and the dictates of ordinary prudence, have gone on recklessly, first ruining themselves and then preying upon others, regardless of everything except securing their own selfish indulgences, no matter at whose cost. It is not very much to the credit of the literary profession that examples of improvidence and want of economy occur so fre quently in it. Whether such imprudence be plainly termed a vice, or be glossed over by the softer name of a mere failing, it seems at the present day to be almost as much a characteristic of authorship as poverty was formerly. Yet that it should be so is perhaps the less to be wondered at, when we find such indiscretion accounted almost one of the marks and privileges of genius. Much, too, is it to be regretted, that the world generally shows greatest indulgence of all towards, and greatest sympathy for, those whose stigma it ought to be that they afford the slightest occasion for either. We will not be sure that Sir Walter Scott himself did not merit censure to the full as much as pity. Had that distinguished writer possessed a greater share of independent principle; had he not stooped as he did to the little ambition which impels worldly minds, we should never have heard of his misfortunes; and perhaps, so far, the public would have been losers, since they would have been deprived of what the newspapers term a prodigious sensation,' of a good deal of astonishment and excitement. His biography would have been some degrees less romantic, less stirring, but, on the other hand, he himself might have been by many degrees a happier man, most probably, too, a much longer-lived one. However harsh what we have just been saying may be termed by others, we do not consider it at all to exceed the bounds of wholesome truth. The world is somewhat apt to love, not wisely but too well,' and in the case of its petted favourites to be the apologist of conduct which it would denounce as unpardonable in any crockery-ware' members of society. A Sheridan in humble life would be simply a low bilking rogue, great only as being a very great rascal; whereas the Sheridan was the admired of all admirers,' for a while at least, and then he was left to die an object of pity-almost of contempt-to others. The mantle' of Sheridan seems to have fallen to the share of several since his time-if not the mantle of his genius that of his habits-in which they have arrayed, although not cloaked themselves. For obvious reasons, we do not mention names, and if the reader so pleases, he is at liberty to consider our examples as imaginary ones, coined for the purpose of illustration, after the fashion of the imaginary portraits'—an odd expression, by-the-by, sounding very much like a bull-which one meets with in annuals; or else as founded on fact and embellished by fction, though, as for that, the facts require no addition or heightening, but rather to be moderated. Dr - is no fabulous animal, no creature of our fancy, but one of flesh and blood, a man of great attainments and talents, capable of delighting by his learning, his information, and his eloquence; yet unfortunately not ashamed of either corrupting or disgusting his hearers by the most horrible ribaldry. Had he possessed a grain of ordinary worldly prudence but as he himself once remarked, he had neither grains nor scruples-this individual might have been in the most affluent circumstances; instead of which he is now no better than a beggar and sot; not only reduced but degraded; alternately an inmate of the Fleet or Bench, or when out of them, skulking in some low tippling-house; excluded from all decent society, and now even shunned and avoided by those who formerly courted his companionship. This is, we admit, an extreme case, like that of Edmund Kean, of whom it has been said that he died both a beggar and a blackguard;' for a man must be thoroughly besotted, in every sense of the word, to fling away golden opportunities, and court not poverty alone, but poverty wedded to ignominy. Another instance, known to ourselves, is that of a person-gentleman we cannot call him-who, holding a place in a government office of fifteen hundred a-year, an income far exceeding what he could have expected at his outset in life, lost it in a short time by flagrant misconduct, having involved himself by extravagance of the most desperate kind, living at the rate of almost as many thousands; the consequence of which is that he is now not worth fifteenpence in the world. Still we leave those to pity him who have pity to throw away upon so undeserving an object-upon one whose thorough want of principle, leaving prudence out of the question, led him into a course of extravagance which he must have been well aware he could not carry on long either honestly or dishonestly. Clever he is, no doubt, but mere cleverness, devoid of moral principle, will not enable a man to steer clear of downright knavery and consummate folly; nor is it by any means an uncommon case for disregard of economy to be followed by utter disregard of honesty and moral feeling. He who can squander away, without compunction, his own resources and those of his family, is not likely to be at all scrupulous, whenever an opportunity presents itself for indulging his own reckless selfishness at the cost of other people and their families. And though extravagance may pass with the unthinking for liberality and generosity of disposition, it frequently arises only from a combination of thorough selfishness and despicable vanity. is indeed startling, we might say monstrous. If he had no CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS AND THIRD ARTICLE. SUCH as described in our last article was the condition of affairs in Hispaniola, when Columbus returned from Spain. Instead of the paradise which it seemed when the white men first set foot on its soil, it had become the abode of war and sedition, of strife, famine, and pestilence. The native population was melting away before the baleful presence of the stranger; and their once hospitable towns were desolate and silent. The Spaniards too were reaping the fruit of their crimes; vice had produced disease; indolence, poverty; whilst cruelty and oppression had turned the once friendly Indians into deadly foes, and the thickly peopled country into a lonely wilderness. Columbus endeavoured to restore matters so far as it was still possible. He denounced Roldan as a rebel, but, at the same time, offered him pardon on immediate submission. Roldan had, however, strengthened his party, by the accession of many criminals who had been sent from Spain at the same time with Columbus, but had arrived in the island before him, and now refused to submit. Columbus, surrounded by treachery and disaffection, was too weak to enforce compliance, and could only write home an account of the rebellion, and ask further aid. After various negociations, an agreement was made with the rebels, by which they were to return within a limited time to Spain; and the admiral set out to inspect the island. Circumstances delayed the fitting out of the ships, and Columbus soon learned that new seditions had broken out among Nevertheless, a premium seems to be offered by the pub- the rebels, who refused to leave the island. A cold letter lie for 'indiscretion' of this kind where it is least of all from the court added to his perplexities, as it showed the excusable, namely, on the part of those who, notwithstand-power of his enemies there, and how little trust he could ing that they have been eminently successful in their put in the royal favour. He had thus to comply with all career, and might have realised not only a respectable in- the demands of the mutineers, and enter into a new ardependence but even affluence for their families, die and rangement, reinstating Roldan in his office of chief judge, bequeath them nothing but a pretended claim upon public giving grants of land to some of his followers, and sending charity or the eleemosynary compassion of friends. In- others of them home to Spain. To both parties, Indians stances of this kind are numerous: one marked one there were assigned as slaves, and instead of tribute, the free nais, of recent occurrence, in the case of a highly popular tives were compelled to cultivate the land of the Spaniards and prolific writer, who, besides what he made by his own settled in their vicinity. This treatment of the Indians is productions, derived very considerable permanent emolu- one of the greatest stains on the memory of Columbus, and ments, for a series of years, from his editorial situations. shows how little the rights of humanity and the duties of That a man so favoured by good fortune should not have Christianity were understood in that age. By the same been able to make any provision, as it seems, for his family, vessels that carried home the conspirators, Columbus sent letters to the king detailing all that had occurred, showing that the sovereign was not bound by the engagements he had made with the rebels, and requesting aid to restore tranquillity, and a learned man to act as judge of the island. Four vessels had been seen off the west part of the island, which Columbus learned were commanded by Ojeda, the bold cavalier already mentioned. He sent Roldan to inquire into this suspicious expedition, who gladly undertook the enterprise, as likely to secure possession of his illgotten gains. Roldan met Ojeda, and found that he had a license from Fonseca, that the vessels were fitted out as a private adventure, and that they had already sailed along the coast of the mainland, from two hundred leagues east of the Orinoco to the Gulf of Paria. In this expedition was a Florentine merchant, Amerigo Vespuccio, destined to give a name to the whole of this new world. Ojeda promised to meet the admiral at San Domingo, but instead of this, as soon as he had collected provisions, he sailed to Xaragua, where many of the mutinous followers of Roldan were settled. These men chose him for a leader, and were about to march with him to San Domingo for a redress of their grievances, when their old leader, with a band of resolute followers, arrived in their neighbourhood. Ojeda retired to his ships, and after various manoeuvres between two such well matched opponents, had to leave the island, but not till he had landed in several places and plundered the poor natives. Ojeda, it appears, afterwards sailed to Porto Rico, and carried off numbers of the Indians, whom he sold in the slave market of Cadiz. Meantime another conspiracy broke out. Guevara, a young cavalier, had been banished from San Domingo for his licentious conduct; but there being no vessel to take him to Spain, was sent for a time to Xaragua. Here he fell in love with a daughter of Caonabo, the Carib chief, and intended to marry her, when Roldan, it is said, from jealousy, interfered. Roldan first sent him to another place, but he returned, and on his submission was allowed to remain. He, however, engaged in a conspiracy, having for its object to kill Roldan, or put out his eyes; but the experienced rebel was beforehand with them, seized the ringleaders, and sent them prisoners to the admiral. Guevara's uncle, Moxica, a former comrade of Roldan, incensed at this action, began to collect his old followers to free his nephew, but was anticipated by Columbus, who fell upon him suddenly, and seized him and his principal confederates. Moxica was put to death, some others condemned, but retained in confinement; and the Adelantado, seconded by Roldan, soon reduced the whole island to a state of tranquillity. This, however, was not to continue long. The enemies of Columbus were busy at court, where his friends were few and powerless. Ferdinand had undertaken these discoveries from no high or generous motive, but moved only by hopes of wealth, which he now found greatly disappointed. Instead of receiving supplies from them, they were a constant drain on his treasury, already exhausted by his numerous wars. His disappointed avarice made him lend a ready ear to all the accusations brought against Columbus by the idle dissolute men who returned home. Many of these persons flocked to court, demanding arrears of pay, whilst their conduct in the colony had only deserved punishment. Their insolence may be judged of from the imprecations with which they saluted the two sons of Columbus, who attended court as pages to the queen. There go,' they would exclaim, the sons of the admiral, the whelps of him who discovered the land of vanity and delusion, the grave of Spanish hidalgos!' The queen had long been his faithful friend, but her humanity was excited by the treatment of the Indians, whom Columbus persisted in sending home as slaves. She ordered them all to be returned to their native land, and gave her consent to a commission to inquire into the conduct of the admiral. One principal object of this appointment on the part of Ferdinand, was his wish to obtain some excuse for depriving Columbus of the high privileges with which he had invested him. Like many other wicked men, he sought to cover one act of ingratitude and injustice by adding to it another. The person chosen for this purpose was Francesco de Bobadilla, whom some represent as a very honest and religious man, others, with more semblance of truth, as needy, passionate, and ambitious. He was empowered to examine into the late rebellion, and the government of the admiral and his brothers; and on finding them guilty, to supersede them in the administration. With the latter part of his commission, Bobadilla was not long of complying. He reached San Domingo on the 23d of August, 1500, and having landed the next morning, ordered his commission to be read, authorising him to investigate the late rebellion. Columbus was absent in the interior; but his brother Diego refused to give up the prisoners till his return, and asked for a copy of this letter to send to him. Bobadilla refused this, and next morning read a second royal patent, investing him with the government of the island; and again demanded the prisoners. Diego replied, that he held the prisoners in obedience to the admiral, who was invested with higher powers, on which Bobadilla produced a third mandate from the crown, ordering Columbus and his brothers to deliver up to him all fortresses, ships, and other royal property; and a fourth mandate, ordering him to pay all arrears of wages to persons in the royal service, which was received with shouts of applause by the multitude. He again demanded the prisoners, and when they were refused, repaired to the fort where they were confined. The alcade, Miguel Diaz, had the gates closed, and appearing on the wall, declared that he would only obey his lord the admiral. Enraged beyond measure, Bobadilla assembled his followers in order to storm the fort, which, having no garrison, he entered without resistance. He then took possession of the house of Columbus, and seized upon all his effects, books, and private papers. When information of these events reached the admiral, he considered them merely as the acts of some private adventurer, and moved towards San Domingo. He was met by an alcade, who proclaimed Bobadilla's acces sion to office; but the new governor took no notice of him, and did not even answer a letter he had written. Columbus was in great uncertainty how to act, when two messengers arrived with a royal letter of credence, commanding him to give implicit faith and obedience to Bobadilla; and presented, at the same time, a summons from the latter to appear before him. Columbus at once obeyed, but on reaching the town was seized, put in irons, and confined in the fortress. When the irons were brought, no one was found to put them on him, till the task was undertaken by one of his own domestics, 'a graceless and shameless cook, who rivetted the fetters with as much readiness and alacrity, as though he were serving him with choice and savoury viands.' His two brothers met the same fate, being also put in irons, and confined separately on board a caravel. Bobadilla never came to see them, or gave them any account of the crimes with which they were charged, so that, in the admiral's own words, they were thrown into a ship, loaded with irons, with little clothing, and much ill treatment, without being summoned or convicted by jus tice.' Such was the reward Columbus received from his unworthy sovereign, whom it is in vain to defend by throwing the blame on the miserable instrument of his malice and ingratitude. To justify his own conduct, Bobadilla collected evidence from all quarters against the admiral and his brothers, to whom all the late disturbances in the island were imputed. When this was completed, he sent Columbus home in charge of Alonzo de Villejo, an honourable officer. When he came to conduct him on board, Columbus, knowing the inveteracy of his enemies, thought it was to lead him to the scaffold. Villejo,' said he mournfully, whither are you taking me?' To the ship, your excellency, to embark,' replied the other. To embark!' repeated the admiral earnestly; Villejo, do you speak the truth?' By the life of your excellency, it is true,' replied the honest officer. With these words the admiral was comforted, and felt as one restored from death to life. Such is the account of this touching incident which Washington Irving has taken from Las Casas, who probably received it from his friend Villejo 6 himself. Columbus left the island early in October, 'shackled like the vilest of culprits, amidst the scoffs and shouts of a miscreant rabble.' Villejo would have removed his irons, but Columbus would not consent; they had been imposed by the authority of their majesties, and, said he, I will wear them until they shall order them to be taken off; and I will preserve them as relics and memorials of the reward of my services.' He did so,' adds his son; I saw them always hanging in his cabinet, and he requested that when he died they might be buried with him.' When Columbus arrived in irons at Cadiz from the world that he had discovered, a universal burst of indignation was heard throughout Spain, and was responded to by the whole of the civilised world. Even the cold heartless monarch quailed before it, and had to express his reprobation of such unworthy treatment. Columbus was ordered to be set free, was received with many marks of favour at court, and the charges against him were never listened to. But the true vindication of his conduct, that which justice strongly demanded, was withheld, notwithstanding repeated solicitations. He was not restored to his viceroyalty; and Ferdinand, whilst disowning the crime, retained its fruits. Many voyages to, and discoveries in, the New World had recently taken place, not only among his own subjects, but by other nations. Sebastian Cabot, in 1497, had coasted along North America from Labrador to Florida, in an English ship fitted out by Henry VII.; and Cabral, a Portuguese, in a voyage to India, had discovered, in April, 1500, the coast of Brazil. Ferdinand thus saw his new dominions expanding to a boundless extent, and in danger of being encroached on by other nations. He had long repented of the powers granted to Columbus, and every new discovery only made him repine the more at the reward conferred on a foreigner, whose services could now be dispensed with. Ovando was appointed to supersede Bobadilla in the government, for which the latter had shown himself wholly incapable. For this, various excuses were assigned, to Columbus, and a promise given him of being restored to his office in two years, when all angry passions were allayed and affairs restored to order. Ovando was fitted out with great splendour, and his departure hastened by the reports of the evil results of the administration of Bobadilla. This person had parcelled out the natives among the white men, who, well aware that the time of license would be but short, exercised the most capricious tyranny, and compelled them to work in the mines by the most inhuman cruelties. Ovando left Spain in | February, 1502, with a fleet of thirty sail, containing about 2500 persons. In a storm which it encountered, one ship, with 120 passengers, was lost, and a rumour that the whole fleet had perished, spread consternation throughout Spain, but afterwards proved unfounded. Bartholomew. He had four small vessels, the largest only seventy tons burden. After touching on the coast of Morocco and at the Canaries, he reached the Caribbee islands in the middle of June. From this he steered by Santa Cruz and Porto Rico for San Domingo, where he wished to exchange one of his vessels which sailed extremely ill. This course was contrary both to his own plan and the orders of the king, by which he had been forbidden to touch on Hispaniola. Columbus anchored off the town on the 29th June, and asked permission of Ovando to enter the harbour, stating the purpose for which he had come, and his dread of an approaching storm. Ovando had now been some time in office, and his fleet was about to return, having on board Bobadilla, Guarionex, once cacique of the fertile Vega, and an immense quantity of gold collected by the oppression of the natives. One piece of gold, the grano de oro, as it is called in the old chronicles, was particularly famous, weighing, according to the best computation, about forty pounds troy English. Ovando refused to allow Columbus to enter the harbour, and neglected his repeated warning to delay the sailing of the fleet. It left the harbour, but in two days was overtaken by an awful hurricane: the ship containing Bobadilla, Roldan, and some others of the most inveterate enemies of Columbus, with all their ill-gotten wealth, was swallowed up in the ocean, and only one vessel, the weakest of the fleet, and containing some property of Columbus, could continue her voyage to Spain. The admiral had sailed along the coast, expecting the storm to be from the land, and, sheltered by it, reached Port Hermoso without much damage. Columbus regarded his own safety almost as miraculous, whilst the destruction of his enemies was ascribed to Divine interposition by his cotemporaries. Columbus, after refitting his vessels, sailed for the mainland, which he reached on the coast of Honduras. Here he met with a large canoe, containing a cacique and family, who seemed to have come from a long journey, bringing with them articles of copper and manufactures of a superior kind to any yet seen among the natives. The Indians pointed out to him a rich country in the west, probably Yucatan or Mexico, but Columbus turned east, looking for the supposed strait. He made but slow progress, being opposed by the winds and currents, and a tempest which he says surpassed in violence and duration any he had ever seen. At last they doubled a cape, which he named Gracias a Dios, as the coast turning direct south gave them a free navigation and favourable wind. They stopped at a river to take in wood and water, but the sudden swell of the sea in the estuary swamped one of the boats, whose whole crew perished. Leaving this melancholy place, Columbus next anchored near an Indian village named Cariarri, where he was kindly entertained, and reWhilst these events were taking place, Columbus re- mained some time to refresh his men. He next sailed along mained with the court at Granada, endeavouring to re- the region afterwards named Costa Rica or the Rich Coast, store his affairs, and at the same time to excite the sove- from the mines of the precious metals found in its mounreigns to undertake an expedition to recover the holy se- tains, and in his traffic with the natives procured, for the pulchre from the infidels. This seems to have been the merest trifles, several large plates of gold, which they wore leading object in his mind to which all his great discoveries as ornaments. Many reports of countries in the west, rich were only preparatory, but probably receiving no encour- in gold and silver, were communicated to him, and proagement, he turned again to the old path. He therefore re-bably had reference to Mexico or Peru; but instead of folquested permission to fit out a new expedition, the object lowing these he continued east, looking for the imaginary of which was to search for some channel between the strait that was to open up a passage to the east. He next countries already discovered, leading directly to the rich touched at a harbour named Puerto Bello from its beauty, realms of eastern Asia. The king gladly granted his re- and afterwards was forced to take shelter in a small port, quest, as putting off for a time more troublesome claims, so deep that there was no anchorage till the ships almost and as likely to gratify his own cupidity. Before setting touched the land. The sailors used to leap on shore durout Columbus wrote to the pope, excusing his delay in ing the night, and so provoked the Indians by their bad visiting his holiness to give a personal account of his dis- conduct that they assembled in great numbers to attack coveries, and explaining the causes that prevented his ex- the ships, but were dispersed on the first discharge of arpedition to the holy sepulchre. He also transmitted two tillery. Here Columbus, despairing of finding any passage copies of all the letters and grants he had received from through the mainland, turned back to explore the rich the sovereigns, with an account of his discoveries, and a country he had left behind. vindication of his rights, to a friend in Genoa, showing his well-founded fear of Spanish ingratitude, and his desire to secure his own dear-bought fame. Having arranged these matters he left Cadiz in May, 1502, on his fourth and last Voyage, accompanied by his son Fernando and his brother The wind which had opposed their eastward progress for three months, now suddenly changed to the west, and they were driven out to sea by a tremendous storm, which continued for nine days. The sea boiled like a cauldron, and at night its waves resembled great surges of flame; pair, when the rising moon showed them the island of Navasa, a mere barren rock but containing water in the hollow clefts. They remained here a day, living on shell fish, and on the fourth day reached Hispaniola, distant about a hundred miles from Jamaica. Mendez proceeded | along the coast for San Domingo, but hearing that the governor was in Xaragua, he left his canoe and proceeded overland to meet him. Ovando promised to send inmediate relief, but delayed from day to day and month to month. A new misfortune had in the mean time fallen on Colum- | bus. Part of the crew, led by a porson of the name Porras, rose in mutiny, and seizing some canoes that Columbus | had bought from the natives, deserted him and the sick, and resolved to sail for Hispaniola. They took what arms and provisions they chose, and proceeded along the coast plundering and abusing the Indians. They made two attempts to leave the island, but were driven back by the wind, and then wandered about the country, supporting themselves by robbing the natives. Columbus by skilful arrange-I ments had recruited the health and spirits of those who remained with him, but the Indians began to relax in supplying him with provisions, and as the toys given in payment became more common, asked a far higher price for what they brought. In this extremity Columbus, knowing that on a particular night an eclipse of the moon would take place, resolved to use it to intimidate the natives. He assembled all the caciques, and told them that the God of the heavens, whom he and his people worship the thunder and lightning were almost incessant, and the rain poured down in torrents into their open vessels. One day a waterspout passed close by the ships but without injuring them, and after great difficulties they at last reached the river Belen on the coast of Veragua. Here he remained some time, till his brother the Adelantado investigated the country and found it very rich in gold. Columbus again imagined he had found one of those places whence Solomon had procured his unbounded wealth, and resolved to found a new colony. Eighty men were to remain with the Adelantado, whilst Columbus returned to Spain for supplies. Their various arrangements were soon completed, but the river, lately swollen by rains in the mountains, was now so shallow that his vessels could not pass over the bar at its mouth, and he was detained till another inundation should set them free. Meantime Quibian, the cacique of the Indians, resolved to expel the unwelcome guests, and collected his warriors. Diego Mendez, notary to the fleet, suspected their designs, and, venturing boldly into their camp, had his suspicions confirmed. A native, too, revealed the plot of his countrymen to the admiral. They intended to attack the fort by night, set it on fire, and kill | all the white men. The Adelantado resolved to anticipate them, and marching into their camp with seventy-five men, seized Quibian, and sent him away captive in a boat, but the wily savage contrived to free himself from his bonds, plunged into the sea, and escaped. Returning to his dwelling he found it wasted and his family carried into captivity. The admiral had now put out to sea, and was only waiting for a fair wind. Before he could sail, how-ped, was angry with the Indians for refusing them supplies, ever, the Indians had attacked the fort, and though re- and meant to punish them with famine and pestilence. As pulsed, had again assembled in great numbers, massacred a token of this they would that night see the moon become a boat's crew, which had been sent on shore for wood, and dark and change its colour. Some of the Indians derided shut the Spaniards up within their defences. The admiral the prediction, but when they saw the dark shadow stealwas in great anxiety for his brother, the high surf prevent-ing over the moon, they were seized with terror, and huring any communication with the shore, when during the night he heard a mysterious voice reproaching him with his want of faith in God, who had given him the keys to unlock the gates of the ocean sea, shut by such mighty chains. Immediately after this vision the sea became calm, and the Adelantado with his followers embarked on board the vessels, leaving the settlement deserted. The family of the cacique confined in the ships had partly escaped and partly destroyed themselves in despair at leaving their native land. the sea. Columbus now sailed for Hispaniola, but the winds and currents carried him far west of his appointed port. One of the caravels had been left in the river Belen, another was so wasted that it had to be deserted on the voyage, and the two that remained were so honeycombed by the teredo as to be scarcely seaworthy. Columbus tried to beat up to Hispaniola, but all his efforts were in vain, and at last, fearing his vessels might founder at sea, he had to run them aground on the coast of Jamaica, where they soon filled with water. He then built thatched cabins on the prow and stern for the crews, and remained castled in His trusty follower, Diego Mendez, went on shore and arranged with the Indians to supply them with provisions, and then offered to proceed to Hispaniola in an Indian canoe to ask relief. With him Columbus sent letters to the sovereigns, giving a nost glowing description of the land now discovered, and indulging in romantic visions contrasting strangely with his actual condition-broken down by age and infirmities, racked with pain, confined to his bed, and shut up in a wreck on the coast of a remote and savage island.' Mendez set out on his expedition, accompanied by one Spaniard and six Indians. He reached the end of the island, but was taken prisoner by some hostile Indians who determined to kill them. He contrived to escape in his canoe, and returned to the ships, where he offered to make a second attempt. He was now accompanied in another canoe by a Genoese named Fiesco, whilst the Adelantado guarded them along the coast. Taking advantage of a calm day, the canoes set sail and soon lost sight of land, but on the second day the water was almost exhausted, and one of the Indians died under the heat and labour. In the evening even the leaders had begun to des ried to the ships with provisions, entreating Columbus to intercede to avert the threatened calamity. Columbus retired to his cabin to commune with the Deity, whilst the Indians filled the woods with their wild lamentations; and when the eclipse was about to diminish, Columbus came forth and told them that he had prevailed with God in their behalf, and that they would be pardoned on condition of fulfilling their promises, in sign of which the darkness would now withdraw from the moon. Columbus was henceforth regarded by the Indians with awe, as possessed of supernatural powers, and from that time no want of provisions was felt in the ships. Eight months had now passed away, with no prospect of relief, and a new mutiny was about to break out, when one evening a vessel was seen off the harbour. Next day a boat came from it to the ships, in which was Escobar, one of the former rebels against Columbus. He had been sent by Ovando probably as a spy, for, after a short conversation with Columbus, and giving him a letter from the governor, he departed. The crew were much disappointed at this desertion, but were re-assured by the admiral, who said that Escobar's vessel was too small to take the whole, and that he had sailed for larger ships. Columbus afterwards sent a messenger to the mutineers offering them a free pardon and passage home, provided they would return to their obedience. Porras rejected all conditions, and to render his men hopeless of forgiveness, resolved to attack and plunder the ships. Columbus sent his brother to meet them, who again offered them pardon, but, confident in their numbers, the rebels would listen to no terms, and attacked the Adelantado. They were well received by this experienced soldier, who took Porras captive with his own hand, when his followers fled leaving several slain. Next day the fugitives sent a petition for pardon, binding themselves to obedience by horrid imprecations. Columbus granted this request, and at length, after a year of delay, two vessels arrived, one fitted out by Mendez at the admiral's own expense, the other by Ovando, whose long neglect had roused the public indignation so that even the clergy were condemning it from the pulpit. On the 28+ June, 1504, Columbus took leave of the wreck which had been so long his home, amid the tears of the Indians, who |