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of writing his diary in small books, and some of these CHAPTER books, written during the period in question, are missing. It may be observed also, that, for the last three or four years of his life, there is no record of a correspondence between him and Mr. Jefferson, nor any papers of importance in which the name of the latter is more than incidentally alluded to. When I mentioned the subject to Judge Washington, he replied cautiously, that he had never charged any person with having abstracted papers. Indeed, the nature of the case scarcely admitted of positive proof. But, without discussing the question, or examining the conjectural evidence which has been adduced, I will only remark, that I am convinced the suspicion of papers having been taken away, for the purpose alleged, must rest on a very slight foundation.

not satisfied

parts of

conduct.

There can be no doubt, however, that Washington's Washington feelings were wounded by some parts of Mr. Jefferson's with some conduct, as well as by conversations which were reported Jefferson's to him as having been held at Monticello. He had reposed unlimited confidence in Mr. Jefferson, and shown towards him at all times a sincere and unwavering attachment; and he was not prepared to receive the returns of ingratitude and disrespect, which these conversations seemed to imply. The famous letter to Mazzei, however it may be explained, could not have been read by Washington without pain. The unqualified censure of the administration, which it contained, necessarily included him as the head of the administration. After he retired from the Presidency, an insidious letter was sent to him through the postoffice, the object of which was to draw from him political remarks and opinions. It was accidentally discovered, that this letter was subscribed with a fictitious. signature, and that it came from a person, who resided near Mr. Jefferson, associated intimately with him, and participated in his political sentiments. It was not ascertained, nor perhaps fully believed, that Mr. Jefferson was accessory to this proceeding; but the circumstances were such, as to make a strong impression upon the mind of

CHAPTER Washington.

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Jefferson's situation at

a party.

It is also remarkable, that, while Mr. Jefferson was Vice-President, although he passed near Mount Vernon in his journeys between Monticello and Philadelphia, to attend Congress at two regular sessions and one extra session before Washington's death, he never paid him a visit nor saw him after they separated at the time of Mr. Adams's inauguration.

A decisive judgment on this subject ought not be formthe head of ed, however, without considering the position in which Mr. Jefferson was placed, and his own testimony. As the head of a party opposed to the administration, he was the centre of action to that party; and he would necessarily be led to remark on public transactions, and to express his disapprobation of them. At such times, his conversation may have been misinterpreted by his watchful opponents as applying to Washington, when in reality he had in view only the system of measures to which he gave his support. If it is difficult in this case to separate the measures from the man, and the censure of the one from that of the other, it must be remembered, that the difficulty is inherent in the case itself, and that there was no other way by which Mr. Jefferson could escape from it, entertaining such opinions as he did, than by abstaining altogether from speaking on public affairs. This forbearance was not to be expected, nor was it to be required of him, more than of any other person.

Jefferson's testimony in praise of Washington.

Again, Mr. Jefferson has affirmed that no correspondence took place between him and Washington, during the interval in which none has been found among the papers of the latter; that he always believed him to be firmly attached to the republican principles of the constitution, and determined to sustain them at all hazards; and that neither in the letter to Mazzei, nor on any other occasion, did he intend to include Washington among those, whom he charged with moulding the government into monarchical and aristocratical forms. The substance of this declaration is often repeated in his published letters. In one of these, describing the character of Washington,

These

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1797.

he says; "His integrity was most pure, his justice the CHAPTER most inflexible I have ever known; no motives of interest or consanguinity, of friendship or hatred, being able to bias his decision. He was, indeed, in every sense of the words, a wise, a good, and a great man.' considerations seem to show at least, that, whatever may have been Mr. Jefferson's feelings, or the part he acted, in times of warm political strife, a calm review of the past, at a later period, brought him to a just estimate of the character and conduct of Washington. But, after all, it is not easy to be convinced, even by his own statements, that he is not in some degree chargeable with delinquency towards him during the latter years of his life. Being established again at Mount Vernon, and freed Washington from public toils and cares, Washington returned to the same habits of life, and the same pursuits, which he had always practised at that place. It required neither time nor new incitements to revive a taste for occupations, which had ever afforded him more real enjoyment than any others. Although he had been able to exercise a partial supervision over his private affairs, yet he found, that, after an absence of eight years, much was to be done to repair his houses, restore his farms to the condition in which he had left them, and complete his favorite system of agriculture. To these employments he devoted. himself with as lively an interest, as if nothing had occurred to interrupt them.

devotes him

self to his

private af

fairs.

occupationg.

In writing to a friend, a few weeks after he arrived at His daily Mount Vernon, he said that he began his daily course with the rising of the sun, and first made preparations for the business of the day. "By the time I have accomplished these matters," he adds, "breakfast is ready. This being over, I mount my horse and ride round my farms, which employs me until it is time to dress for dinner, at which I rarely miss to see strange faces come as they say out of respect to me. And how different is this from having a few social friends at a cheerful board. The usual time of sitting at table, a walk, and tea, bring

XIX.

1797.

CHAPTER me within the dawn of candlelight; previous to which, if not prevented by company, I resolve, that, as soon as the glimmering taper supplies the place of the great luminary, I will retire to my writing-table, and acknowledge the letters I have received. Having given you this history of a day, it will serve for a year." And in this manner a year passed away, and with no other variety than that of the change of visiters, who came from all parts to pay their respects or gratify their curiosity.

Conduct of the French Directory.

False presumption of

France.

But, in the midst of these scenes, it once more became his duty to yield to the claim of his country. The French Directory had rejected the overtures for a reconciliation, and committed outrages and insults against the United States, which no independent nation could bear. Mr. Pinckney, the American plenipotentiary, had been treated with indignity, first by a refusal to receive him as minister, and next by an order to leave the territories of the Republic. At the same time, depredations were made upon American commerce by French cruisers, in violation of the treaty which had subsisted between the two nations. President Adams summoned Congress, submitted the subject to them, and recommended preparations for military defence. That no method might be left unattempted for bringing about a reconciliation and insuring peace, two envoys extraordinary, John Marshall and Elbridge Gerry, were sent out to join Mr. Pinckney. The three envoys proceeded to Paris, but their mission was unsuccessful.

It seems that the rulers of France had been deceived the rulers of into a belief, that the people of the United States would not sustain their government in a war against that country. The opposition shown to the British treaty had contributed to foster this delusion; and indeed the conduct of the French ministers in the United States, from the time Genet arrived at Charleston, had clearly indicated a design to separate the people from the government. Such was the confidence of the Executive Directory in this hope, and such their ignorance of the American character,

# XIX.

1798.

that they had the effrontery to demand money of the CHAPTER envoys as a preliminary to any negotiation for settling the differences between the two nations. This demand was made under the pretence of a redress of grievances, in consequence, as it was alleged, of the unfavorable operation of the British treaty, and of the system of neutrality adopted by the American government. So degrading a proposal could not of course be regarded in any other light than as an insult.

prepare for

war.

Nothing now remained to be done but to prepare for Congress war. Congress authorized the President to enlist ten thousand men, as a provisional army, and to call them into actual service, if war should be declared against the United States, or whenever in his opinion there should be danger of an invasion.

As soon as it was foreseen, that a resort to arms might be necessary, all eyes were turned upon Washington as the individual to be placed at the head of the army. The weight of his name was of the utmost importance to produce unanimity in the leaders, and secure the confidence and support of the people. "You ought to be aware," said Hamilton, in writing to him, "that, in the event of an open rupture with France, the public voice will again call you to command the armies of your country; and, though all who are attached to you will from attachment, as well as public considerations, deplore an occasion, which should once more tear you from that repose to which you have so good a right, yet it is the opinion of all those with whom I converse, that you will be compelled to make the sacrifice. All your past labors may demand, to give them efficacy, this further, this very great sacrifice." The President also wrote to him; "We must have your name, if you will permit us to There will be more efficacy in it than in many an army." This letter was written before any appointments had been made. The following is an extract from Washington's reply.

use it.

"From a view of the past and the present, and from

Washington take comprovisional

solicited to

mand of the

army.

May 19.

June 22.