CHAP.
LXV.

June.

At nine in the morning of the eighth of June, the assembly of Pennsylvania resumed the consideration 1776. of its new instructions, and adopted them by a vote of thirty one against twelve. The disingenuous measure proved the end of that body; once only did it again bring together a quorum of its members. The moderate and the timid, lending their aid to the proprietary party, had put themselves in the wrong both theoretically and practically; at once conceding the impossibility of reconciliation, and, by their indecision, entailing on Pennsylvania years of distraction and bitter strife.

At ten on the same day congress entered into the consideration of Richard Henry Lee's resolve, and the long debate which ensued was the most copious and the most animated ever held on the subject. The argument on the part of its opponents was sustained by Robert Livingston of New York, by Wilson, Dickinson, and Edward Rutledge. They made no objection to a confederacy, and to sending a project of a treaty by proper persons to France; but they contended that a declaration of independence would place America in the power of the British, with whom she was to negotiate; give her enemy notice to counteract her intentions before she had taken steps to carry them into execution; and expose her to ridicule in the eyes of foreign powers by prematurely attempting to bring them into an alliance. Edward Rutledge said privately, "that it required the impudence of a New Englander, for them in their disjointed state to propose a treaty to a nation now at peace; that no reason could be as signed for pressing into this measure but the reason of every madman, a show of spirit." Wilson avowed

LXV.

June.

that the removal of the restriction on his vote by the CHAP. Pennsylvania assembly on that morning, did not change his view of his obligation to resist independ- 1776. ence. On the other hand, John Adams defended the proposed measures as "objects of the most stupendous magnitude, in which the lives and liberties of millions yet unborn were intimately interested;" as the consummation “of a revolution, the most complete, unexpected, and remarkable, of any in the history of nations." The power of all New England, Virginia, and Georgia was put forth on the same side; and the discussion was kept up till seven in the evening. A majority of the colonies, including North Carolina, appeared to be unalterably fixed in favor of an immediate declaration of independence; but the vote on the question was postponed till Monday.

On the day of rest which intervened, Keith, the British minister at the court of Vienna, obtained an audience of Joseph the Second, and afterwards of the empress Maria Theresa. The emperor referred to the proclamation which the joint sovereigns had issued, most strictly prohibiting all commerce between their subjects in the Low Countries and the rebel colonies in America, and went on to say: "I am very sorry for the difficulties which have arisen to distress the king's government; the cause in which he is engaged, is in fact the cause of all sovereigns, for they have a joint interest in the maintenance of a just subordination and obedience to law, in all the monarchies which surround them; I see with pleasure the vigorous exertions of the national strength, which he is now employing to bring his rebellious subjects to a speedy submission, and I most sincerely wish success to those

CHAP. measures." The empress queen, in her turn, expressed LXV. a very hearty desire to see obedience and tranquillity 177 restored to every quarter of the British dominions.

Jue.

When the congress met on Monday, Edward Rutledge, without much expectation of success, moved that the question should be postponed three weeks, while in the mean time the plan of a confederation and of treaties might be matured. The whole day until seven in the evening was consumed in the discussion. The desire of attaining a perfect unanimity, and the reasonableness of allowing time for the delegates of the central colonies to consult their constituents, induced seven colonies against five to assent to the delay, but with the further condition, that, to prevent any loss of time, a committee should in the mean while prepare a declaration in harmony with the proposed resolution. On the next day, Jefferson, John Adams, Franklin, Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston were chosen by ballot to prepare the declaration; and it fell to Jefferson to write it, both because he represented Virginia, from which the proposition had gone forth, and because he had been elected by the largest number of votes.

On the twelfth, the office of digesting the form of a confederation to be entered into between the colonies, was referred to a committee of one member from each colony; and as if the subject had not been of transcendent importance, the appointment of the committee was left to the presiding officer. Among those whom Hancock selected are found the names of Samuel Adams, Dickinson, and Edward Rutledge; it could have been wished that the two Adamses had changed places, though probably the result would at

LXV.

1776.

June.

that time have been the same; no one man had done HAP. so much to bring about independence as the elder Adams, but his skill in constructing governments, not his knowledge of the principles of freedom, was less remarkable than that of his younger kinsman. In the committee, Dickinson, who, as an opponent of inde pendence, could promote only a temporary constitu tion, assumed the task of drafting the great charter of union.

The preparation of a plan of treaties with foreign powers, was intrusted by ballot to Dickinson, Franklin, John Adams, Harrison, and Robert Morris; and between John Adams and Dickinson there was no difference of opinion, that the scheme to be proposed should be confined to commerce, without any grant of exclusive privileges, and without any entanglement of a political connection or alliance.

On the fourteenth, a board of war, of which Washington had explained the extreme necessity, was appointed, and John Adams was placed at its head.

On

Congress acted like an independent power. the twenty fourth, it "resolved, that all persons abiding within any of the United Colonies, and deriving protection from its laws, owe allegiance to the said laws, and are members of such colony;" and it charged the guilt of treason upon "all members of any of the United Colonies, who should be adherent to the king of Great Britain, giving to him aid and comfort."

CHAPTER LXVI.

THE BATTLE OF FORT MOULTRIE.

CHAP.

June.

THE TWENTY-EIGHTH OF JUNE, 1776.

THE month of May robed the pomegranate and LXVI. the oleander in their gorgeous masses of flowers, and 1776. the peace of Charleston was still undisturbed except by gathering rumors, that the English fleet and transports destined for its attack had arrived in Cape Fear River. Its citizens, taking courage from the efficiency and wisdom with which the independent government of the colony was administered, toiled continually in the trenches, and bands of negroes from the neighboring plantations were put upon the works. The bloom of the magnolia was yellowing in the hot sky of early summer, when, on the first day of June, expresses from Christ Church parish brought news to the president, that a fleet of forty or fifty sail lay anchored about twenty miles to the north of Charleston bar.

Prompt and fearless in action, Rutledge ordered the alarm to be fired; and while the townsmen were looking out for horses, carriages, or boats to remove