once again the strength of the coalition between the ultraorthodox Protestants and the Catholics. It must, however, be remarked that towards the end of the year M. Troelstra, one of the most important leaders of the Socialist party, took his seat in the Chamber. With regard to the elections which took place in July of a third part of the First Chamber, the Liberals again lost a seat to the Anti-Revolutionists, which brought the numbers of the First Chamber to 27 Liberals against 23 AntiLiberals. (The figures given on this point in the ANNUAL REGISTER for 1901 were erroneous.) But the First Chamber has never attempted to obstruct or embarrass the Government, convinced that under such circumstances the Ministry would not hesitate to dissolve, and that the result of a dissolution would not be doubtful. At the death of the Liberal President of the First Chamber, M. van Naamen, the Government nominated M. Schimmelpenninck van der Oye, Anti-Revolutionist, in his place. M. van Asch van Wijck, Minister for the Colonies, died, and was succeeded in that office by M. Idenburg, formerly a captain in the Dutch East Indian Army.

A serious illness of the young Queen, which placed her life in great danger for days, and which put an end to the hopes of an heir which she had cherished, caused throughout the country the most lively and most patriotic anxiety, and the recovery of the Sovereign was greeted by enthusiastic demonstrations of unanimous rejoicing.

While home politics were tranquil, public attention in Holland was much directed to foreign affairs. Thus, at the beginning of the year, the Committees of the First Chamber, in their examination of foreign affairs, expressed their regret that the Government had abstained from taking any steps to terminate the South African war; they recognised, nevertheless-a fact which negatived the idea of blame to the Government-the difficulty of any such action in the face of the non-intervention of all the other Governments. Meanwhile a journey of the First Minister, Dr. Kuyper, to Brussels and London, attracted public attention, and the public questioned whether the head of the Government was not endeavouring to find means of making peace between the belligerents. This opinion, in spite of M. Kuyper's declaration to the contrary, gained ground till the day when, simultaneously with Mr. Balfour in the English Parliament, the First Minister of Holland announced that a communication on the subject had been addressed to the British Government by the Dutch Government in which the latter declared itself ready to facilitate in every way any arrangement which might bring the belligerents together, and made suggestions to that end. This communication and the negative effect of the British reply have been described on page 51, but it should be said here that the courteous and amicable terms of Lord Lansdowne's despatch were much appreciated in Holland. A Blue-book was sent to the Boer generals in the field containing

the communications between the two Governments. It is very difficult to please every one; and whereas the former Ministry had been severely condemned for not taking the initiative by an offer of mediation, a large number blamed M. Kuyper for his attempted mediation, as having made him responsible for a premature peace, for they maintained that the Boers would have obtained far more favourable conditions if the war had continued.

In spite of the very keen interest naturally inspired by this question, another subject may be said, perhaps, to have more largely occupied the public mind. After the annexation of the Transvaal and Orange Free State by England, a certain number of politicians raised the question of the future of Holland, left to her own resources only, in the event of a foreign Power attempting to deprive her of her Colonies. This disturbing suggestion spread rapidly among the people, and the question of a possible alliance with a foreign Power was vehemently discussed throughout the country. Some journeys undertaken by M. Kuyper from personal and private motives to Berlin and Vienna were interpreted by a large section of the public as a proof that the rumours of an alliance were not without foundation. It was necessary, in order to silence them, that in the debate on the Address, in response to the speech from the Throne, in the First Chamber, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, M. Melvil van Lynden, should declare that the rumours on the subject of an alliance with a foreign Power had no foundation whatever, and that the political relations of Holland had undergone no modification. M. Kuyper, for his part, also categorically denied the truth of these rumours. The most eminent Members of Parliament, without distinction of opinion, when interrogated on this point did not hesitate to declare that the interest of their country was best served by remaining free from all international obligations or alliances.

The condition of the Dutch Indies, in spite of all efforts, remained far from satisfactory; the rebellion in Atchin in particular continued as in the past, not without considerable loss of life on both sides. In September the Dutch troops gained a somewhat considerable advantage. They took possession of the two forts of Atchin, killing eighty-three of the enemy and carrying off fifty-three guns. Further, their most redoubtable enemy, the usurping Sultan, fled after this defeat, and the rumour spread at the end of the year that he had succumbed to his wounds.

III. GRAND DUCHY OF LUXEMBURG.

The birth of a sixth daughter to the heir of the Grand Duchy once again destroyed the hopes of the people, and roused their apprehensions for a future when, as appeared to be daily more probable, the great question of the succession might be

raised. By Article 42 of the Constitution the Grand Duke of Luxemburg was empowered to nominate a Regent to govern the Grand Duchy. In April the Minister of State, M. Eyschen, announced to the Chamber of Deputies that the age and state of health of the Grand Duke necessitated care, but that at the same time the Grand Duke was very desirous that public affairs should not suffer. In consequence of this, M. Eyschen issued a decree nominating the Prince, his son, Regent (Stadtholder) of the Grand Duchy, and on April 14 the Heir-Apparent, designated by his father, took the oath of the Constitution.

An agreement, signed in July, between the Guillaume-Luxemburg line of railway and the directors of that of AlsaceLorraine, which prolonged the lease of the Luxemburg Railway for fifty years, is worthy of attention; for it constitutes, in fact, the incorporation of this line, which is important from a strategic point of view, in the railway system of Alsace-Lorraine, that is to say, in that of the German Empire.

IV. SWITZERLAND.

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A protracted and troublesome, though not intrinsically serious, diplomatic difficulty with Italy marked Swiss annals in 1902. It arose from the publication in March in the Réveil, an Anarchist organ appearing at Geneva, of an article insulting the memory of the murdered King Humbert. The Italian Minister at Berne, M. Silvestrelli, promptly wrote to Federal Council demanding that action should be taken against the offending paper. But he made the demand on his own account as Minister, and not as the immediate mouthpiece of his Government. Unfortunately, the Swiss Code prescribes that in such cases the demand for legal proceedings shall be made by the Government of the country concerned; and the Federal Council replied that they could not act in the absence of such a representation. The Italian Minister then simply repeated his demand in terms so vehement that the Federal Council declined to accept his communication, and demanded his recall from the Italian Government. That being refused, they broke off relations with M. Silvestrelli, and the Italian Government did the same with regard to the Swiss Minister in Rome, M. Carlin. This almost absurd situation continued for some four months. There was no difference of principle or really unfriendly feeling between the two Governments. The Federal Council early ordered the arrest of Bertoni, the Italian Anarchist who edited the Réveil, when he refused to obey an order of the Cantonal authorities against his taking part in a labour demonstration, and they also gave strict orders for the prevention of any anti-Italian manifestations. But they refused, and were sustained by the Federal Assembly in refusing, to depart from the letter of the Swiss law in regard to the conditions requisite for action against a newspaper offending against

a foreign country, and the Italian Government appeared indisposed to make the direct demand prescribed. In the end German good offices were offered, and the difficulty was arranged by the replacement of the representatives of both Governments by other diplomatists. M. Pioda, Swiss Minister at Washington, was appointed to Rome, and M. Carlin was given an important post in London.

A few days after the re-establishment of diplomatic relations, the King of Italy passed through Switzerland on his way to Berlin, and was officially received by the Federal Council. The reception was most cordial, and no allusion was made on either side to the recent dispute. The public also saw, with satisfaction, that the re-establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries was as favourably received in Rome as in Berne.

On October 26 the elections took place throughout Switzerland for the direct representation of the people in the Federal Assembly at Berne. The old Chamber numbered 147 Members; the increase of the population raised the number to 167. The election contests were very lively, but according to anticipation the strength of the respective parties was not modified. The result of the elections at Geneva was awaited with special interest because of the disturbances which had taken place there a short time before. Until then an alliance between the Radicals and Socialists had always carried the day; but after the disturbances recently organised by the revolutionists, whose close relations with the Socialist party had never been disputed, the Radicals were somewhat divided on the question of a new alliance, some inclining the more to the Socialists, others, on the contrary, wishing to join the Moderate Liberal party. This last alliance triumphed, and the chief result of the elections was a noticeable loss of ground for the Socialist party. Finally after the ballot the new Chamber was found to be composed of 35 Catholic Conservatives, 25 Moderate Liberals, 97 Radicals, 9 Socialists and 1 Independent; the united Opposition, therefore, numbered 70 Members out of a total of 167.

As was mentioned above, serious labour troubles broke out at Geneva at the beginning of October. A certain number of the employés of the Electric Tramway Company of Geneva were dismissed with no reason given; in consequence their companions took up their cause and went out on strike. This produced much and repeated disorder; the strikers threatened those of their companions who continued work, and tried to impede the traffic. The Cantonal Government, as much to assure the liberty of labour as to maintain order, decided to call out the military. Meanwhile, at the instigation of a certain number of ringleaders, a general strike was voted by a great majority of the labour syndicates. All bodies of workmen, without exception, joined the strike, so much so that even the newspapers were not published for forty-eight hours. On account of the threatening attitude of the strikers the troops

found themselves obliged to make a charge, and there was a fairly large number of wounded, although no death resulted. At last the strike was ended, after an assembly of the strikers, at which a letter from the syndicate of tramway employés was read, thanking the workmen of all trades who had proclaimed the general strike for this proof of their support, but urging them to resume work, realising the futility of 20,000 workmen standing idle any longer as winter approached for the support of only 300 comrades. The strike lasted altogether a fortnight for the tramways and three days for the trades generally, without securing, as a result, the slightest concession from the Tramway Company. There were 230 persons arrested and 110 expelled on account of the disturbances, of whom forty-five were Italians and thirty French, among whom was the anarchist, Sébastien Faure. It is a fact to be noticed with regard to this strike that a relatively large number of the men called upon to repress the disturbances and maintain order refused to obey the order. The secretary of the Labour party, who was at the same time a member of the great Council of Geneva, was condemned on this account by the Council of War to four months' imprisonment and to the loss of his civic rights during one year.

A curious incident took place at the beginning of the year. The French Government recently nominated M. Ador, President of the National Council of the Helvetian Confederation, Grand Officer of the Legion of Honour, on account of the important part which he had taken in the last International Exhibition at Paris, as general commissioner of Switzerland. Article 12 of the Federal Constitution forbade any authority or functionary, civil or military, to accept titles, honorary distinctions, or any other mark of favour from a foreign Government. And M. Ador, one of the leaders of the Conservative party, was accused of having violated the Constitution. In view of the hostile attitude taken up towards him by the Federal Council, M. Ador sent in his resignation of the Presidency of the National Council, while, at the same time, he declared his right to accept the decoration on the ground that the prohibition concerned only those who held Federal offices for life. In consequence of this incident, which was discussed with much heat in the Press, the Federal Council sent a circular to the military cantonal departments, asking for the names of any Swiss officers who, contrary to the Constitution, had received decorations from foreign Governments. This inquiry revealed, at the outset, that thirty among the officers decorated with the Legion of Honour, on being given the alternative of returning their decorations or resigning their commissions in the army, declared that they preferred to resign their commissions. In the face of this fact, the Federal Council thought it well to suspend the inquiry provisionally; and it seemed not unlikely that sooner or later Article 12 of the Constitution would be modified or suppressed.