22, ænight 20. 40, næniht 23. 4; also in sulh 9. 62 (EB. 464, b), hu 24. 6, tuu 10. 17, hlaferd 16. 8. The following are probably mere scribal errors: the loss of w from the combination hw in daghæm 19. 47, f'hon 5. 30; the addition of w in woxo 13. 15, wyflo 16. 25; and the use of w for h in wyniges I 11. 14.

II. (a) Medial w stands before all vowels except u and Prim. OE. i: stowe 2. 7, stowa 11. 24, saweð 8. 5, fulwa 3. 16, laruas 5. 17; it is however lost in gehoræd 18. 32.

(b) It is lost before u: cueoum 22. 41, oncneaun 2. 50, giunga I 7. 2, rounges I 11. 5, roung 14. 27, sceaunde 22. 56, smeunga 6. 8; but is brought back analogically in rowung 9. 23, hrowundum 8. 23, gehrowun 8. 23.

For the inorganic w in smeawung 12. 25, smeawungas 11. 17, cf. Fo. 29.

(c) Before i æ 16. 16, sæ 17. 2, sæs I 5. 18, gegerela 23. 11, smirinise 7. 37, gesmiride 4. 18.

Note 2.-w following a velar cons. disappeared medially in OE. as in the other WG. languages, but the North. verb genehwa presents an unexplained exception to this rule; genehua 16. 13, genehuade 15. 15, efnegenehuade 23. 51.

Note 3.-Medial w appears to be vocalized in ceaolas 9. 17, unless here ow.

Note 4.-w is used to bridge the hiatus in sceowum I 4. 7, gewunrotsad 18. 23 (unless wu=u); also in gefiweð 16. 13, gefreouad 1. 74, where it replaces the lost j.

III. (a) Final w is combined with a preceding short vowel to form a diphthong: deadom I 10. 16, treo 13. 19 (but more often in Luke the w has fallen entirely in this word tree 6. 43, trees I 9. 6).

(b) After a consonant it is vocalized and remains as u, o when the preceding syllable is short: olebearu 21. 37, nearo 13. 24, gearo 22.

33.

(c) After long vowels and diphthongs, w disappears: geðrea 17. 3, hreonise 15. 7 (four times without w). But in many words w has come back after the analogy

of the other inflectional forms: stow 6. 17, hreownise I 4.7 (five times with w), oncneu 19. 44 (so generally in the pret. forms of the verb cnawa), ædeaude I 3. 13 (Fü. 29), sceawde 20. 23, sceawnne 23. 48, treoufæst 19. 17, getreoudon 18. 9 (EB. 467).

Final w is vocalized after a long vowel in hiorodes 2. 13 (<*hiw-ræd, S. 43, anm. 4).

hiogwuise is doubtful; hiuuisc 13. 25, 14. 21, 21. 11, would point to the ground-form hiw-. In this case the g is inorganic, and io may be on the analogy of hiorodes (cf. Lind.2 40, anm.; 122). Cook (Gl.) takes it to be from hīg-, a view that is supported by the word hīgo 2. 4, 12. 42, of similar meaning.

j.

§ 62. I. Initial j is expressed by i in foreign proper names: iacobes 1. 33, iares I 5. 20, iones 11. 29, iudisca I 7. 10; by hi in hie I 9. 18 (Jericho); otherwise it is written g gife 12. 45, ger I 4. 6, gungra 15. 12.

II. Medial j is lost after a long closed syllable; for examples cf. § 105, 1(b) (Tense-Formation of Wk. Vbs. Cl.I), and §§ 114, 115 (jo-, ja- stem nouns). It is lost also regularly between vowels: ece I 9. 16, eade 4. 42 (<ijo + da, EB. 118), freond 7. 34, fiondes 10. 19, gefreod I 8. 19, tuoera I 5. 14, drio- 12. 52 (besides Origa 22. 61).

j is retained, written as g, between vowels in boege 1. 7, boego 1. 6, tuoge 2. 24, Xriga 22. 61, ceigeð I 5. 7, &c.; after a short vowel +r in herganne 19. 37, hergendo 2. 20, hergas 9. 18, hergum 11. 29.

For the i (ig) of wk. vbs. Cl. II, cf. S. 175, anm.

III. Final j is very rare: æg 11. 12, geceig 14. 13. It appears written as -eg in the imper. getrymeg 22. 32.

CHAPTER VII. LIQUIDS AND NASALS

r.

§ 63. I. r is frequent in all positions: ricu 4. 5, hrippe 12. 42, fruma 12. 12, seteras 20. 20, geher 4. 8.

II. Metathesis of medial r occurs (a) where r originally preceded a vowel followed by nn or s-combinations: berneð 15. 8, bernende 24. 32, etc. (cf. Got. brannjan); -ern in gestern 22. 11, berern 12. 24 (<*rænni, <*razn, cf. Got. razn), gærs 12. 28 (cf. græsum Mk. 4. 32), iornende I 2. 17, arn 15. 20 (cf. Got. rinnan), dærst 12. 1, ðurscon 22. 63, geðorscen 20. 10; also in ðirddan 24. 7, ðirdde 20. 12, &c. (cf. ðridda, John 21. 14); and perhaps forma 19. 16 (besides fruma I 2. 12), &c.; in this case however there may have been two parallel forms in Gmc.; cf. S. 179, 1; Fü. 31, II; (b) where r originally followed the vowel and preceded ht: frohtendes I 4. 18, afryhtad 8. 23 (besides forhtiga 21. 2, forhtende I 11. 12, afyrhtad 12. 4).

III. r corresponds to Gmc. z in gecoren I 7. 1, forlure 15. 9, herganne 19. 37, hergendo 2. 20 (cf. Got. hazjan), betra 5. 39, betro 16. 8 (Got. batiza), mara 7. 28 (Got. maiza), earum 4. 21, eoro I 8. 15 (Got. auso); rr to Gmc. rz in ærrum 11. 26 (Got. airiza); rd to Gmc. zd in hordern 12. 24 (Got. huzd), meard 6. 35 (Got. mizdo).

IV. r has fallen in endebrednise I 2. 8 (cf. WS. onbryrdnis), ældo 7. 30, ældum 9. 22 (besides aldro 2. 43, aldrum 21. 16).

Assimilation of sr (<sz) to ss is simplified to s in leasa 7. 28, wyrso 11. 26 (Got. wairsiza); sr (= Gmc. sr)>ss >s in uses 1. 78 (S. 336, anm. considers that the assimilation has not taken place in these forms), úsum 13. 26 (besides usra 1. 55, &c.), ðisa (dsf) 11. 50.

is omitted through a scribal error in ymbwælde 9. 55. For grammatical change of r (<z) and s, cf. § 79.

1.

§ 64. 1 occurs in all positions in the word; it is frequently geminated: all 2. 1, selles 22. 48, &c.

Metathesis occurs in the suffixes -eld (<-idl <-ipl) and -els (cf. OHG. -isal): foereld 1. 36, roeceles 1. 9. nl>ll in ællelno 24. 33, ællefnum 24. 9.

m.

§ 65. m is met in all positions: mett 12. 23, smeade 12. 17; beam 6.41; geminated in huommes 20. 17.

m has fallen out before the voiceless spirant in: fifo 12. 6, fif 7. 41, fiftih 16. 6.

n.

§ 66. I. n has the force of a guttural nasal before c, g; in all other positions it denotes the dental nasal.

II. (a) n has dropped out with lengthening of the preceding vowel, before h in the Gmc. period, as in brohte 14. 20 (cf. § 15, III); in the OE. period before the voiceless spirants f, d, s: cyddo 1. 61; cudo 2. 44, oder 22. 32, side 23. 22, muð 1. 64, pisum 15. 16, ús 13. 25, soð 16. 12, suide 9. 43; toðana 13. 28; uðwutto 22. 66 ydana 21. 25.

(b) n has dropped without lengthening in unaccented syllables: fracoð 16. 15 (<*fra-cūð), gigoðe 18. 21 (<*jugunð); and in 3 pl. ind. of verbs, cf. Chap. XII, The Personal Endings of the Verb, §§ 81 ff.

(c) The dropping of the nasal does not take place if its position before the spirant has come about through syncope: clansunges 2. 22.

III. (a) For the characteristic North. dropping of n in the infin., the pret. opt. pl., cf. §§ 81 ff.; in the oblique cases of weak nouns, cf. §§ 121, 122, 123; in adverbs, cf. § 131, VI. It is also dropped in seofa I 7. 11, in the verbal

forms aro 24. 38, wero 16. 12, weoro I 9.9; and by a scribal error in taco 2. 34.

&c.;

(b) n is dropped between i and g in cynig 9. 7, but in all other forms than the nom., acc. sing., the full ending -ing appears: cyninges 1. 5, cyningas 22. 25, &c.

CHAPTER VIII. LABIALS

p.

§ 67. Initial p is rare in Gmc. words; it occurs in pæð 16. 26, 3. 5, priclom I 3. 6, plægade 7. 32; and in the following loan-words: pinia 8. 28, pisum 15. 16, pocca 9. 3, plæccum 14. 21, portcuoene 7. 37, and in the compound heafodponna 23. 33.

Medially and finally it is more frequent: woepeno 11. 22, spilde 17. 27, scip 15. 6, &c.

Loan-words: discipul 6. 40, sinapis I 8. 6.

It is geminated in uppstigende 12. 54, geypped 12. 2, earlippricco 22. 50.

b.

§ 68. I. b (Gmc. b) is the sign for the labial media; initially it is common, but medially and finally appears only in gemination and in the combination mb; initially: bærlic I 3. 8, bano 24. 39, bed 5. 18, brededes I 11. 14, &c.; medially: hæbbend 7. 2, habbað 3. 8, &c. (simplified in habas 9. 3), sibbe 7. 50, sibbo 14. 12, lombro 10. 13; finally: sibb 1. 79, ymb 9. 12, &c.

bb is written pb in uppbepbing I 10. 11, sipbade I 11. 12, and pp in sipp 8. 48.

b is merely a euphonic insertion in: symbles 13. 14, getimbras 11. 48, getimbrade 7. 5.

II. Gmc. b is represented medially by f, which in this position has the sound-value of a labio-dental voiced