Loan-words: gecomp 22. 44, (heafod) ponna 23. 33, oferplontiað 17. 6, geplontad 13. 6. a remains in angel 1. 26 (five times, otherwise with i-umlaut, § 22, III), camal 18. 25.

II. This o̟ was lengthened to ō on the falling out of the nasal before a voiceless spirant (§ 66, II): oðer 22. 32, soð 1. 1, toðana 13. 28.

III. Before ŋ the change from a to nasalized a took place in Gmc. on the falling out of the nasal; this ā appears always as ō: brohte 14. 20, gebroht I 5. 11, geJohte 1. 29, dohton 9. 45, doht 1. 51, woh 3. 5, wohfull 19. 22, ahoh 23. 21, ahoen 23. 23, onfoað 11. 10, &c. (cf. also §53). For the possible shortening in brohte, geðohte, &c., cf. S. 125.

WG. a.

§ 16. WG. à(=Gmc., North. e) before a nasal becomes ō: cuome 4. 34, cuomon 22. 52, mona 21. 25, n.ɔneð 1. 35, nomon 11. 52, sona 1. 64.

In the second stem of the verbs cuma and nima, instead of o, we have ō: cuom 5. 32, cwom 19. 10, fornom 8. 29, ofgenom I 2. 17 (S. 390).

huon 12. 48, huonum I 7. 19, &c., may belong here (Lea 48; Fü. 15, 4; Lind." 45; Fo. 15, IV).

This ō is subject to i-umlaut, § 25.

WG. e.

§ 17. WG. e becomes i before m: nimeð 13. 33, fornimeð 9. 54, niming I 5. 3. The u in nummanne 1. 25 is on the analogy of the pret. part. numen. This i is subject to u/o-umlaut, § 32 (b), (c).

WG. o.

§ 18. WG. o before simple nasals becomes u (S. 70): cuma 18. 16, cuummanne 13. 45, fruma I 2. 12, (bryd)guma

5. 34, summer 21. 30, huniges 24. 42 (for wyniges, cf. § 24), Juneri I 9. 10, wuna 24. 29, gewunade 1. 56, geuna 4. 16, wyrtruma 8. 13.

This u is subject to i-umlaut, § 24.

§ 19. Before r+cons.

I. a before r+cons. is broken to ea: gecearf I 9. 16, ofcearf 9. 9, olebearua 22. 39, olebearu 21. 37 (S. 103, anm. 1), geearnadon I 9. 3, earnas 17. 37, gearuu 12. 40, gearo 22. 33, gearwiga 1. 76, heard 19. 3, nearo 13. 24 (in such forms the breaking is brought over from cases where the w is not vocalized, S. 103, anm. 1, cf. also § 61, III), scearflice I 9. 4, inweard 11. 39, útteweard 11. 39, geonduearde 14. 6 (for forms with wa-, wæ-, cf. § 46; wo-, § 57, I). geruað I 11. 2 is probably a scribal error for gearuað (but cf. Lind. 48, anm. 1).

a occurs without breaking in arme 1. 51, armum 2. 28, arð 4. 34 (where it is probably due to the lightness of the accent, cf. Sweet, HES. 442; Lea 13, 3; Fü. 16, 1; EB. 454), barm 6. 38, barme 16. 22, darr 20. 40, harmcuoedum 6. 28, naronede I 8. 6, darfe 21. 3, darflic I 3. 7, nedðarf I 2. 8 (besides forms with æ: dærfe 16. 20, dærflicra I 7. 19; cf. Lea 11, 4; and with o: dorfe I 9. 3, &c., with the vowel taken over from the pret.).

Other words with a before r+cons. are: dærst (sb.) 12. 1, dærsto I 8. 16, dærstum 3. 7, 12, dærstana 22. 1, 7, gedærsted 13. 21 (which may be due to i-umlaut, Lind.2 64, a), biwærlas 11. 42, biwærlde 10. 31, ymbwærlde 7.9 (Füchsel's explanation of this difficult word will be found in Fü. 16, 1; cf. also Lind.2 65).

Breaking is omitted before the r-combinations resulting from metathesis in gærs 12. 28, arn 15. 20 (S. 79, anm. 2; Kal. 57, anm. 13); Bülbring on the contrary considers metathesis as earlier than breaking in Anglian EB. 132,

anm.; Angl. Beibl. 9. 97. For examples of breaking before an r-combination arising from metathesis, cf. below, III. Breaking is omitted in the loan-words carr 6. 48 (Kl., PG., p. 929), carcern (besides cærcherne, § 34).

II. The breaking of e before r+cons. appears as eo and ea.

eo: eorde 21. 23, eordes 4. 5 (eo twenty-four times in this word), georne 1. 3, 15. 8, geornfull 10. 41, geornfullo 12. 26, 12. 22, geornlice 7. 43, heorta 12. 34, heortes 1. 51 (eo ten times, in compounds nine times), leornas 10. 26, geleornadon 6. 3.

ea: cearfas 19. 27, ofercearfa 8. 22, ymbcearfanne 1. 59, eardes 12. 56 (ea only once), fearr 7. 6, fearra 15. 20, fearrade 1. 38, &c. (always with ea), gearnfull 19. 22, gearnfulle 12. 11, hearta 12. 34 (ea eleven times, three times in compounds), meard 6. 35, mearde 10. 7, I 11. 2. For the a, æ in farma, færma, cf. § 46.

III. 'i is broken to io in giornde 18. 35, giorndon 5. 1, giornanne 16. 3, giornise 11. 8, hiordo I 4. 1, hiorda 2. 15, hriord 14. 12, hriordege 17. 8, hriordanne 15. 32, gehriorda 11. 38, gehriordage 12. 37.

For the preservation in North. of the differentiation between eo and io cf. S., Ags. Voc., p. 26 ff.; Bülb. 140.

i remains unbroken in firr 24. 28, firrfara 7. 6, smiriniso 23. 26, smiride 4. 18 (EB. 187, anm.; Eng. Stud. 27.85).

Breaking has followed metathesis in iornað 14. 31, iorne 22. 10, iornende I 2. 7, iornendes 22. 44. In the same connection should be mentioned beornendo I 7. 17, beorning 1. 11, with the exceptional diphthong eo (Bülb., Angl. Beibl. 9. 97, EB. 132, anm.; S., Ags. Voc., p. 35).

In the following, metathesis has been later than the breaking period: birdas 2. 24, dirde 13. 32, ðirddam 24. 7, &c.

§ 20. Before 1+cons.

I. a in this position is unbroken: ald 1. 18, aldor 11. 15,

all 2. 1, allne 9. 25, &c., cualmum 7. 21, monigfald 6. 17, fearfald 19. 8, falled 11. 17, gefalla 16. 17, haldas 8. 15, haldond I 6. 13, half 19. 8, halm 3. 17, halsado 19. 20, halto 7. 22, saldon 2. 24, saldes 19. 23, eftgesald 14. 14, salt I 8. 15.

For sealla, &c., cf. § 31 (c).

feallo I 8. 3 (sb.) is puzzling, but cf. §§ 22, V; 30, note. Loan-words: psalme I 10. 11, salma 20. 42, salmas 24. £44, assald 13. 15, assaldes 19. 30 (Lea 12, 96).

II. Breaking of e before 1+ cons. is found only in seolf' 11. 17, seolf 11. 46, seolfe 10. 27 (Dieter, 2. 773, explains these forms as analogous to those in which there was an inflectional guttural vowel causing u-, o/a-umlaut). § 21. Before h.

In this position breaking has usually been simplified through the so-called palatal umlaut (§ 33 ff.; S. 158, 3 ; EB. 133). There are to be found a few instances, however, where h has disappeared early between a vowel and a voiced consonant (cf. § 76, II), causing breaking but not simplification of the vowel: geneolecað 21. 20, geneolecton 8. 24 (S. 165, anm. 3; EB. 146, b; Fü. 16, 3; but cf. also Bülb., Angl. Beibl. 9. 107).

Loan-words: getrahtade I 3. 2, oftrahtung 18. 10.

Umlaut.

The i-umlaut.

WG. 8.

§ 22. I (a). The i-umlaut of WG. a before an orig. simple cons. is regularly e: bed 5. 18, ber(ern) 12. 24, bereflor 3. 17, betra 5. 30, egisa 21. 26, eldiodig 17. 18, elne 12. 25, eriende 17. 7, feder 15. 18, ferende 7. 12, ahefes 6. 45, ahefen 10. 15, hefig 11. 17, helle 10. 15, herende I 9. 6, hergas 9. 12, meric 11. 42 (but cf. Lind.2 63, anm. 2), mett 12. 23, nett 5. 6, arecganne I 3. 7, sceðde

4. 35, selles 22. 48 (besides siled I 6. 14, § 51; and the forms with ea: sealla, &c., § 31), selenes I 3. 4, sete I 8. 12, settende I 3. 8, getelles 14. 28, awecce 3. 8, aueccende I 6. 1. With the umlaut brought in analogically are: aweht I 5. 11, awehton 9. 32, settes 19. 21 (S. 407).

æ occurs in fædir (ds.) 22. 1I.

Note.-The verb willa presents some puzzling forms in North. ; besides the regular forms with i (§ 3), are those with a (§ 3); with æ: wælle (I sing. ind.) 13. 20, wællo (1 sing. ind.) 20. 3, wælle (opt.) 9. 24, wællað 12. 29, nælla 6. 37; with e: welle (opt.) 22. 42 (cf. also § 3, II (b)), nelle 14. 12. The forms in æ and e might perhaps be accounted for by assuming a present stem *walja-, in which case e would be the regular umlaut-vowel (for the umlaut of a before Il due to WG. gemination, cf. EB. 179, anm. 2); æ might then be due to the same w-influence as in was for wes (§ 41).

Loan-words: plæcum 10. 10 (Latin, platea); without umlaut: latinum 23. 38.

(b) WG. a before a cons. group +i appears partly as æ, partly as e (S. 89, 2; EB. 169 and anm.).

æ: fæsto 18. 12. fæsta 5. 33, gehæftendum 4. 18, hræsta 13. 29, æftaras 246.

e: eft 24. 2, eftcerr I 8. 18 and other compounds with eft (except æftaras, cf. above), esne I 6. 13, gesthus 2. 7, gest(ern) 22. 11, hnescum 7. 25, nestað 12. 27, nestum 3. 14 (stipendium).

Loan-words: æcced 23. 3, mæslenno 21. 2, ælmisso I 7. 16 (Fo. 1, IV).

(c) Sometimes WG. a appears as æ in certain words in which an i or j followed the original guttural vowel of the middle syllable (S. 50, anm. 2; 100, anm. 4; Ags. Voc., p. 21; EB. 174). Examples: hlætmest I 8. 7, fæst'n 15. 2, ætgædre 23. 18. The pres. part. and infin. of st. vbs. Cl. VI, Sievers (50, anm. 2) notes as exceptions to this rule in WS., but L. always has æ in this position. Examples: infærende 8. 16, befærende 18. 36, færende 14. 4, færanne 16. 3, sæccanne 4. 18, sæccenne I. 9. 9, on-sæccende I 8. 8.