your excellency as a public character, and to give my final bleffing to that country in whofe fervice I have fpent the prime of my life; for whofe fake I have confumed fo many anxious days and watchful nights; and whofe happiness, being extremely dear to me, will always conftitute no inconfiderable part of my own.

Impreffed with the livelieft fenfibility on this pleafing occafion, I will claim the indulgence of dilating the more copioufly on the fubject of our mutual felicitation. When we confider the magnitude of the prize we contended for, the doubtful nature of the conteft, and the favourable manner in which it has termi. nated; we shall find the greatest poffible reafon for gratitude and rejoicing this is a theme that will afford infinite delight to every benevolent and liberal mind, whether the event in contemplation be confidered as a fource of prefent enjoyment, or the parent of future happiness; and we hall have equal occafion to felicitate ourselves on the lot which Providence has affigned us, whether we view it in a natural, a political, or moral point of view.

The citizens of America, placed in the most enviable condition, as the fole lords and proprictors of a vast tract of continent, comprehending all the various foils and climates of the world, and abounding with all the neceflaries and conveniences of life, are now, by the late fatisfactory pacification, acknowledged to be pofleiled of abfolute freedom, and. independency; they are from this period to be confidered as the actors on a moft confpicuous theatre, which feems to be peculiarly defigned by Providence for the difplay of human greatness and felicity: here they are not only furrounded with every thing that can contribute to the completion of private and domeftic en

joyment, but heaven has crowned all its other bleffings, by giving a furer opportunity for political happinefs, than any other nation has ever been favoured with. Nothing can illuftrate these observations more forcibly than a recollection of the happy conjuncture of times and circumftances under which our Republic affumed its rank among the nations. The foundation of our empire was not laid in a gloomy age of ignorance and fuperftition, but at an epocha when the rights of mankind were better understood and more clearly defined, than at any former period: refearches of the human mind after focial happiness have been carried to a great extent: the treafures of knowlege acquired by the labours of philofophers, fages, and legiflators, through a long fucceflion of years, are laid open for ufc, and their collected wifdom may be happily applied in the establishment of our forms of government: the free cultivation of letters, the unbounded extenfion of commerce, the progreffive refinement of manners, the growing liberality of sentiment, and, above all, the pure and benign light of revelation, have had a meliorating influence on mankind, and increafed the bleffings of fociety. At this aufpicious period the United States came into existence as a nation, and if their citizens fhould not be completly free and happy, the fault will be entirely their own.

Such is our fituation, and fuch are our profpects; but notwithstand ing the cup of bleffing is thus reached out to us, notwithstanding happi nefs is ours, if we have a ditpolition to feize the occafion, and make it our own; yet it appears to me, there is an option till left to the United States of America, whether they will be refpectable and profper

eus, or contemptible and miferable as a nation; this is the time of their political probation; this is the moment, when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them; this is the moment to establish or ruin their national character for ever; this is the favourable moment to give fuch a tone to the federal government, as will enable it to anfwer the ends of its inftitution; or this may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the union, annihilating the cement of the confederation, and expofing us to become the port of European politics, which may play one state against another, to prevent their growing importance, and to ferve their own interested purposes. For, according to the fyftem of policy the States fhall adopt at this moment, they will ftand or fall;-and by their confirmation or lapfe, it is yet to be decided, whether the revolution must ultimately be confidered as a bleffing or a curfe;-a bleffing or a curfe, not to the prefent age alone, for with our fate will the destiny of unborn millions be involved.

With this conviction of the importance of the prefent crifis, filence in me would be a crime; I will therefore fpeak to your excellency the language of freedom and fincerity, without disguife. I am aware, however, thofe who differ from me in political fentiments, may, perhaps, remark, I am stepping out of the proper line of my duty; and they may poffibly afcribe to arrogance or oftentation, what I know is alone the refult of the purest intention; but the rectitude of my own heart, which difdains fuch unworthy motives; the part I have hitherto acted in life, the determination I have formed of not taking any share in public business hereafter; the ardent defire I feel and 1783.

fhall continue to manifeft, of quietly enjoying in private life, after all the toils of war, the benefits of a wife and liberal government, will, I flatter myself, fooner or later, convince my countrymen, that I could have no finifter views in delivering, with fo little referve, the opinions contained in this addrefs.

There are four things which I humbly conceive are effential to the well being, I may even venture to fay, to the exiftence of the United States, as an independent power.

ift. An indiffoluble union of the States under one federal head. zdly. A facred regard to public juftice.

3dly, The adoption of a proper peace establishment. And,

4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly difpofition among the people of the United States, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies, to make thofe mutual conceffions which are requifite to the ge neral profperity, and, in fome inftances, to facrifice their individual advantages to the intereft of the community.

Thefe are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our independency and national character muft be fupported. Liberty is the bafis

and whoever would dare to fap the foundation, or overturn the ftructure, under whatever fpecious pretexts he may attempt it, will merit the bittereft execration, and the fevereft punishment, which can be inflicted by his iujured country.

On the three firit articles I will make a few obfervations, leaving the laft to the good tenfe and ferious confideration of thofe immediately concerned.

Under the first head, although it may not be neceffary or proper for me in this place to enter into a par(K)

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ticular difquifition of the principles of the union, and to take up the great question which has been frequently agitated, whether it be expedient and requifite for the States to delegate a large proportion of power to congrefs, or not; yet it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true patriot, to affert, without referve, and to infift upon the following pofitions. That unless the States will fuffer congrefs to exercife thofe prerogatives they are undoubtedly invested with by the conftitution, every thing muít very rapidly tend to anarchy and confufion. That it is indifpenfible to the happinels of the individual States, that there fhould be lodged, fomewhere, a fupreme power, to regulate and govern the general concerns of the confederated republic, without which the union cannot be of long dura tion.

That there must be a faithful and pointed compliance on the part of every State with the late propofals and demands of congrefs, or the moft fatal confequences will enfue. That whatever measures have a tendency to diffolve the union, or contribute to violate or leffen the fovereign authority, ought to be confidered as hoftile to the liberty and independency of America, and the authors of them treated accordingly. And lastly, that unless we can be enabled by the concurrence of the States to participate of the fruits of the revolution, and enjoy the effential benefits of civil fociety, under a form of government fo free and uncorrupted, fo happily guard ed against the danger of oppreffion, as has been devifed and adopted by the articles of confederation, it will be a fubject of regret, that fo much blood and treasure have been lavifh ed for no purpose; that fo many fufferings have been encountered with

out a compenfation, and that fo many facrifices have been made in vain. Many other confiderations might here be adduced to prove, that without an entire conformity to the fpirit of the union, we cannot exift as an independent power. It will be fufficient for my purpose to mention but one or two, which feem to me of the greatest importance. It is only in our united character, as an empire, that our independence is acknowleged, that our power can be regarded, or our credit fupported among foreign nations. The treaties of the European powers, with the United States of America, will have no validity on the diffolution of the union. We fhall be left nearly in a state of nature; or we may find by our own unhappy experience, that there is a natural and neceffary progreffion from the extreme of anarchy to the extreme of tyranny; and that arbitrary power is moft eafily establifhed on the ruins of liberty abufed to licentioufnefs.

As to the fecond article, which refpects the performance of public juftice, congrefs have, in their late addrefs to the United States, almost exhausted the fubject; they have explained their ideas fo fully, and have enforced the obligations the States are under to render complete juftice to all the public creditors, with fo much dignity and energy, that in my opinion, no real friend to the honour and independency of America can helitate a fingle mo ment refpecting the propriety of com. plying with the juft and honourable meatures propofed; if their argu ments do not produce conviction, I know of nothing that will have greater influence, efpecially when we reflect that the fyftem referred to, being the refult of the collected wif dom of the continent, must be efteemed, if not perfect, certainly the

leaft

leaft objectionable of any that could be devised; and that, if it shall not be carried into immediate execution, a national bankruptcy, with all its deplorable confequences, will take place, before any different plan can poffibly be propofed or adopt ed; fo preffing are the prefent circumstances, and fuch is the alternative now offered to the States.

The ability of the country to discharge the debts, which have been incurred in its defence, is not to be doubted. An inclination, I flatter myself, will not be wanting; the path of our duty is plain before us; honefty will be found on every experiment, to be the best and only true policy. Let us then, as a nation, be juft; let us fulfil the pub. lic contracts which congrefs had undoubtedly a right to make for the purpose of carrying on the war, with the fame good faith we fup. pofe ourselves bound to perform our private engagements. In the mean time let an attention to the chearful performance of their proper bu finefs, as individuals, and as members of fociety, be earnestly inculcated on the citizens of America; then will they strengthen the bands of government, and be happy under its protection. Every one will reap the fruit of his labours; every one will enjoy his own acquisitions, without moleftation and without danger.

In this state of abfolute freedom and perfect fecurity, who will grudge to yield a very little of his property to fupport the common interests of fociety, and enfure the protection of government? Who does not remember the frequent declarations at the commencement of the war, that we fhould be completely fatisfied, if at the expence of one half, we could defend the remainder of our poffeffions?

Where is the man to be found, who wishes to remain indebted for the defence of his own perfon and property to the exertions, the bravery, and the blood of others, without making one generous effort to pay the debt of honour and of grati tude? In what part of the continent fhall we find any man, or bo dy of men, who would not blush to ftand up, and propofe measures purpofely calculated to rob the foldier of his ftipend, and the public creditor of his due? And were it poffible that fuch a flagrant inftance of injustice could ever happen, would it not excite the general indignation, and tend to bring down, upon the authors of fuch measures, the aggravated vengeance of heaven? If, after all, a fpirit of difunion, or a temper of obftinacy and peryerfenefs fhould manifeft itfelf in any of the States; if fuch an ungracious difpofition fhould attempt to fruftrate all the happy effects that might be expected to flow from the union; if there fhould be a refufal to comply with the requifitions for funds to difcharge the annual intereft of the public debts, and if that refufal fhould revive all those jealoufies, and produce all thofe evila which are now happily removed, congrefs, who have in all their tranfactions fhewn a great degree of magnanimity and juftice, will ftand juftified in the fight of God' and man! And that ftate alone, which puts itself in oppofition to the aggregate wifdom of the continent, and follows fuch miftaken and pernicious councils, will be refponfible for all the confequences.

For my own part, confcious of having acted while a fervant of the public, in the manner I conceived beft fuited to promote the real interests of my country; having, in confequence of my fixed belief, in fome (K 2)

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