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of peace. But they could not fail, in the event | conformity with the treaty, even running out to of another reference, to give increased confi- sea, and pursuing its direction, at the adjudged dence and emphasis to the pretensions of Great distance of twenty leagues, parallel with the Britain, and to exert a correspondiug influence coast, from the mouth of the St. Mary to that of upon the mind of the arbiter.' While Mr. Rives the St. Croix. There is another circumstance, was still speaking, another map was brought also, which shows the care with which this red forward by Mr. Benton, the senator from Mis- line was drawn. On D'Anville's map the latitude souri, with the view, as Mr. Rives understood it, of forty-five degrees runs much too far south, of confronting and invalidating the map alluded coming down, in fact, almost to Crown Point. to in the above extract, but, as Mr. Benton after- Now the red line, after descending the Connecwards said, for the purpose of showing that the ticut River for some distance, turns off to the red lines were no secret. Be this as it may, the west before it reaches the latitude of forty-five map turned out to be of such a character as to degrees on the map, and proceeds in a direct excite some degree of surprise in the Senate. course to the St. Lawrence, so as to pass near After describing it in general terms, Mr. Rives the head of Lake Champlain, which is the true adds,position. This is a proof, that the person who drew the line knew the geography of that part of the country, saw the error of the map, and corrected it.

"Here, then, is a most remarkable and unforeseen confirmation of the map of Mr. Sparks, and by another map of a most imposing character, and bearing every mark of high authenticity. It was printed and published in Paris in 1784, (the year after the conclusion of the peace,) by Lettré, graveur du Roi, (engraver of maps, &c., to the King.) It is formally entitled on its face, a 'Map of the United States of America, according to the Treaty of Peace of 1783'(Carte des Etats Unis de l'Amérique, suivant le traité de paix de 1783.) It is dedicated and presented (dediée et presentée) to his Excellency Benjamin Franklin, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, near the court of France,' and while Dr. Franklin yet remained in Paris; for he did not return to the United States till the spring of the year 1785. Is there not, then, the most plausible ground to argue, that this map, professing to be one constructed according to the Treaty of Peace of 1783,' and being dedicated and presented' to Dr. Franklin, the leading negotiator who concluded that treaty, and who yet remained in Paris while the map was published, was made out with his knowledge, and by his directions; and that, corresponding as it does identically with the map found by Mr. Sparks in the Archives of the Foreign Affairs in Paris, they both partake of the same presumptions in favor of their authenticity.'

"The coincidence between those two maps is certainly remarkable; but we would observe, that Mr. Sparks does not intimate that he saw any writing or other marks on the map mentioned by him, except the red boundary line, from which it could be even inferred that this was the identical map alluded to in Franklin's letter. There is nothing like positive proof, therefore, in the case, though the presumptive evidence is strong. Mr. Buchanan, Mr. Benton, Mr. Woodbury, and other senators, who spoke against the treaty, made light of this map, as the tenor of their arguments required, calling it an old map, and a French map, adding, that on all the old French maps the southern boundary of Canada is pushed too far down. But we are authorized to say that this red line has no connexion whatever with any old boundary of Canada; that it is a line drawn by hand with re markable distinctness and precision, not upon an engraved line, and not merely along the highlands south of the St. John, but throughout the entire circuit of the United States, in exact

"As to Lattré's map, described by Mr. Rives, there is no certainty of its having been seen by Dr. Franklin before its publication. It is probable, and that is all. As far as this probability goes, it may strengthen the presumption that the map in the Archives is the one sent by Franklin to Count de Vergennes. In each case we have no more than presumptive testimony. The fact that such maps exist, however, of so early a date, is a consideration of some moment.

"There are other maps of a similar character, which could not have originated in the same source. A revised edition of De Lisle's Map of Canada, published in Paris in the year 1783, purports to exhibit the northern boundary of the United States. The title of this map boasts of its having been corrected and improved from many printed and manuscript materials, (un grand nombre de relations imprimés ou manuscrites.) The boundary line, from the source of the St. Croix to the Canadian highlands, is drawn south of the St. John, and in such a manner as to exclude all the waters of that river from the territory of the United States. It is a dotted line, engraved, and distinctly marked by a red border on the British side, and a green one on the American, running in contact with each other. After arriving at the highlands near the head waters of the St. John, this line takes a devious course, winding its way into Canada as far as the River St. Francois, and thence in a south-easterly direction to Lake Champlain, which it crosses a full degree too far south. In all this part it is extremely inaccurate, and could not have depended on any information derived from Franklin, although he was then in Paris. By what authority the line was made to run south of the St. John can only be conjectured.

"There is, likewise, a copy of Mitchell's map, which formerly belonged to Baron Steuben, but which, we believe, is now in the possession of the government. On this map the boundary of the United States is delineated, throughout, by a broad and bold red mark, drawn by hand, and it runs south of the St. John; made with less precision, indeed, than the line on the map in the Paris Archives, but it is substantially the same. A gentleman now living saw this map fifty years ago in the library of Baron Steuben, with the red line then existing as it now appears. It could not have been copied from either of the

French maps mentioned above, for, in such case, the part of the line in question would have been executed with more exactness.

one of the speeches, although the large extent
of the boundaries was made a topic of severe
comment by some of the opposition members.
"But a map worthy of more consideration,
perhaps, than either of these, is that published in

"We have before us a curious German map of the United States, by Gussefeld ("Charte über die XIII. Vereinigte Staaten von Nord-London in the year 1783, by the same William America,") published at Nuremberg in 1784, in which the boundary is very distinctly drawn, and follows the highlands south of the St. John. The author says, in a French note engraved on the margin, that he had constructed it from the best English maps, (d'après les meilleurs et speciales cartes Anglaises.) This was the year after the ratification of the treaty, and it is the more remarkable, as we believe no English map has been found, of an earlier date than 1785, in which the boundary does not run on the northern high-the same year. It is about two feet square, and lands, as claimed by the United States. The line in question could hardly have been copied from Lattré's map, because, although it is in all essential points the same, it is by no means identical with it.

Faden who, two years afterwards, perpetrated the act of sending into the world the small map' to which the Commissioners of Maine took such exceptions. His first map, of which we are now speaking, is stated on the face of it to be drawn according to the treaty; the engraved and colored lines are designed for this special object. It was probably published before the signature of the definitive treaty, or at least soon afterwards, for that event took place in September of the boundaries marked on it correspond with the greatest exactness to the American construction of the treaty. As a proof that the attention of the delineator was drawn particularly to the north-eastern boundary, we have only to cite the "Faden's map, of 1785, is the earliest English following printed note, attached, among others, authority of this kind, as far as our knowledge to the margin of the map: The Province of extends, which has been produced in vindication of the British claim. On this map, the boundary runs south of the St. John. A copy of it, brought over by Lord Ashburton, was exhibited for the edification of the Maine Commissioners. They seem neither to have been captivated with its charms, nor convinced by its red or black lines. They call it a small one, and of small pretensions,' and allow themselves to utter a hard sinuation against the motives of its author, the King's Geographer. But this is not much to the purpose, since the line is there notwithstanding, and is acknowledged to have been put there when the map was made.

Sagadahock is a new concession.' The tract intended by this 'new concession' is colored green, and stretches across the basin of the St. John to the ridge of the Canadian highlands. There are many other notes on the margin, explaining the boundary in different places, all tending to show that the work was executed with extreme care. And perhaps no man in England was more comin-petent to such a task. He was eminent in his profession, and had engraved nearly all the maps and plans, published by authority, illustrative of the movements of the British army during the war of the Revolution. He could not, therefore, be ignorant of American geography. He even takes the trouble to exhibit an estimate, in figparts of the United States by the treaty, beyond what belonged to the Colonies under the old charters. Putting all these circumstances together, we are bound to regard this map as conclusive evidence of the state of opinion on the subject at that time in England, among those who were the most capable of forming a correct judgment.

"Mr. Featherstonhaugh, in his recent pamphlet on the Treaty of Washington, lets us into theures, of the extent of territory conceded in various secret of another 'ancient map discovered in one of the public offices in London, after the departure of Lord Ashburton, which had been apparently hid away for nearly sixty years, with a red line drawn upon it exactly conforming to the British claim. He says, 'No doubt was entertained that this was one of the maps used by the negotiators of 1783, and that the red line marked upon it designated the direction of the boundary they had established. But this map was not signed, and could not be authenticated! We are left to infer that this was the reason why it was not sent over to Lord Ashburton, to aid him in the negotiation.

"Besides the maps here enumerated, Mr. Gallatin speaks of seven others, made within two years after the signature of the preliminary articles, all of which agree with these five; and, as we have before observed, no map published in England within the same period has been pro"Such is the testimony of maps on one side. duced, which gives countenance to any other line We now turn to the other. In the first place, of boundary. We deem these facts the more there were at least four distinct maps of the weighty, as Mr. Oswald, the British CommisUnited States, expressly designed to show the sioner for negotiating the treaty, was in London boundaries, published in London during the in- when the earliest maps were made; and there is terval between the signing of the preliminaries the strongest probability that he was consulted and the ratification of the treaty by Great Britain. by the map-makers on a subject of this nature; These were Sayer and Bennet's, Bew's, Willis's, quite as strong as that Dr. Franklin was conand Cary's. All these maps exhibit the bound-sulted for the same purpose in Paris; or, at all aries exactly as claimed by the United States. The first two were issued a few days before the debate in Parliament on the preliminary articles, and it cannot be doubted that they were known to the members, and understood by them as presenting an accurate delineation of the boundaries. Not a word to the contrary appears in any

events, that Mr. Oswald would take care, by some public manifestation, to correct errors of so grave an aspect derived from a false construction of the treaty. Nor would these errors, if they were such, have been overlooked by the ministers, who were vehemently assailed on account of the large concession of boundaries. We hear of no such

that he did not draw the line, than that he should not understand the treaty, six days after it was signed, which he had been as many months in negotiating. But what shall we do with the four maps, emanating from different sources, of which it is not pretended that Franklin had any knowledge? These are all separate authorities, and they accord with the supposed Franklinian red Besides, why should we conjecture Franklin to have been mistaken, any more than Mr. Oswald, or the British ministers, or the English map-makers? Since we must admit an error on one side or the other, and admit, also, that we know nothing more about it, let us do justice to both parties, and at least allow them the grace of dividing the mistake between themselves, until we can place it on the right shoulders by some clear and indisputable evidence. It is a matter of serious regret that the opinions of Mr. John Adams and Mr. Jay, in regard to this boundary dispute, were never publicly expressed. The former lived twelve years, and the latter fifteen, after the Treaty of Ghent, and yet nothing has been communicated to the world, from which their sentiments can be known or even inferred. This silence is the more remarkable, as they had given their testimony in the case of the St. Croix; and, if similar testimony had been proffered in relation to the north-eastern boundary, it could hardly have failed to produce a speedy settlement of the question. Until the opinions of these commissioners can be ascertained, from undoubted authority, it is neither just nor reasonable to throw the burden of error upon Dr. Franklin.

correction from any quarter, nor of any assertion
or insinuation, that the maps were erroneous.
"When we descend to later dates, we still find
English maps, of the highest authority, contain-
ing the same boundary, notwithstanding the ex-
ample of Faden's second effort. And these are
even copied by some of the best French maps, in
defiance of Lattré and the amended edition of De
Lisle. In the Atlas Universel, by Robert, pub-line.
lished at Paris in 1757, there is a map of Canada,
on which the northern and eastern boundary of
New England is laid down as since claimed by
the United States under the treaty of 1783.
Some time after the negotiation of that treaty, a
new edition of the Atlas was published, with ad-
ditions and alterations: but the boundary line in
question remains the same, although the editor,
under the head of Limites des Etats Unis, quotes
the second article of the treaty, which relates to
the boundaries, and implies that he considered
no change of the first edition of the map neces-
sary, in order to meet the terms of that instru-
ment. On our table lie three maps of the United
States by Tardieu, published at different times
in Paris, one of them on a large scale, on each
of which the boundary is drawn as claimed by
the United States, with a slight deviation on one
part. The north and south line, after crossing
the St. John, and reaching the source of the
Ristagouche, turns a little to the west, and seeks
its way to the Canadian highlands, so as to avoid
the head waters of that river. This is in exact
accordance with Mr. Hale's line, and with Mr.
Buller's north-west angle. We have also before
us an elegantly executed German map of the
United States, by Reichard, belonging to the
Ebeling Collection in Harvard College, publish-
ed at Nuremberg in 1809, which gives the
boundary exactly as claimed by the Americans.
And, indeed, innumerable testimonies might be
accumulated, to show that such has been the
general sense of European geographers, as well
on the continent as in England.

"In escaping from this labyrinth of conflicting maps, we shall remark only, that it affords another proof of the wisdom of the course adopted by the negotiators, in setting aside the old controversy, and seeking a new arrangement upon the untried and pacific principles of a compromise."

We have nothing to add to the above statement, which fairly explains all that we thought it desirable to say by way of post. script to our former paper on this subject. We may, however, express our gratification that this question of international dispute has been treated on the other side of the Atlantic in the fair and temperate spirit which characterizes the whole of the arti cle to which we have referred in the 'North American Review.'

"We shall here dismiss this subject of the conflict of maps. We conless it is extraordinary, nor shall we venture upon the hopeless task of explaining or reconciling its difficulties, or of bringing light out of darkness. As far as it goes however, the weight of the argument from this source preponderates heavily on the American side; immeasurably so, if we estimate it by the number of maps; but less so, it may be conceded, if the relative authority of the principal ones only be regarded. We must hold to the conviction nevertheless, that Mr. Oswald, or the British ministers, or both, were consulted in the execution of the first English maps. The presumption is so strong, that nothing short of absolute demonstration to the contrary can weaken this belief. We allow it is probable, and nothing more, that Franklin was consulted for a similar object in Paris An idea has been thrown out, on the supposition of the red line on D'Anville's map having been drawn by Franklin, that he was mistaken. This is an easy way of solving the problem, if the fact could be proved. If this red line rested on Franklin's authority alone. such an idea might possibly be more than a shadow. As we have only probabilities in the case, it is, in our opinion, much more probable Parts.—Athenæum.

ROBERTS'S HOLY LAND.-Mr. Roberts's great work on the Holy Land proceeds satisfactorily; the last Part we have seen (VI.) is still devoted to the desert solitudes and rocky caves of Petra, with its half-built, half-excavated temples; the stupendous the huge masses of the cliffs above, are made evi proportions of whose columns, though dwarfed by dent by the contrast with the figures. The groups of Arabs introduced in these views are the most at tractive points of the pictures, and the best executed portion of the lithography; the foregrounds and distances of the last Part showing signs of haste and inequality that we hope will be no more appa rent in nature than they have been in previous



concerns Napoleon personally. I have many reminiscences (unconnected with him) of those happy days of my childhood,

BY MRS. ABELL, (LATE MISS ELIZA BALCOMBE,) but I feel that they would be uninteresting


From the New Monthly Magazine.


THE writer of the following pages trusts that she will not be thought presumptuous in presenting them to the public. Thrown at an early age into the society of Napoleon, she considers it as an almost sacred duty, to communicate any fact or impression which, uninteresting in itself, may still be worth recording as relating to him, and as serving to elucidate his character.

Could these recollections of the emperor have been published without her name being appended to them, they would long ago have appeared; but feeling that their sole merit consisted in their being faithful records of him; and that if produced anonymously there would be no guarantee for their truth and being at the same time reluctant to publicity, and unequal to the task of authorship, they have been postponed, and perhaps would have been still longer delayed, but for the pressure of calamitous circumstances, which forces her to hesitate no longer, but with all their imperfections on their head to send them at once into the world.

to the public, and I'have carefully excluded all but that in which the emperor took a personal share.

A slight description, however, of the localities connected with him, will not be considered a deviation from this resolution on my part, and I may perhaps commence this slight memoir of Napoleon most properly by a few words upon the general aspect of St. Helena, and the impression conveyed by it on first approaching its shores.

The appearance of St. Helena, on viewing it from the sea, is different from any and I ever saw, and certainly but little calculated to make one fall in love with it at first sight. The rock rising abruptly from the ocean with its oblong shape and perpendicular sides, suggests to one's mind, more the idea of a huge dark-colored ark lying at anchor, floating on the bosom of the Atlantic, than of a land intended for the habitation and support of living beings.

Nor on a nearer acquaintance does its character become more amiable. If a vessel approach it during the night, the effect on coming on deck in the morning is most peculiar, and at first almost even alarming. From the great depth of water, ships are able to go very close into the land, and the The authoress may compare her feelings eye long accustomed to the expanse of on casting her little vessel on the waters sea and atmosphere, is suddenly startled by to those of Shelley, when on exhausting coming almost as it seems in contact with his whole stock of paper, he twisted a the dark, threatening rock, towering hunbank-note into the shape of a little boat, dreds of feet into the air, far above the and then committing it to the stream, wait- masts of the tallest vessel. I was quite a ed on the other side for its arrival with in- child at the time of my first visit, and my tense anxiety. Her ship-building powers terrors were increased by being told that she fears are as feeble; her materials as one giant-snouted crag," which bore frail: but she has seen the little paper nausome resemblance to the head of a negro, tilus floating with impunity and confidence was to eat me up first when the breakfaston the bosom of that mighty ocean which bell struck, and then the rest of the passenhas ingulfed many a noble vessel: accept-gers and crew. ing the augury, she intrusts her tiny bark to I rushed instantly below, and hiding my the waves of public opinion; not with con- face in my mother's lap, I tremblingly anfidence, however, but with fear and trem-nounced our fate, and was with difficulty bling, yet mingled with a gleam of hope soothed by her assurances of safety and that it may reach its haven, if favored by propitious skies and friendly breezes.

The writer must crave indulgence for the frequent mention of herself during the narrative. The nature of the subject renders this unavoidable.

E. L. A.

My object in the following memoir is to confine myself as far as possible to what

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protection. But I did not venture from under her wing until the dreaded "eight bells" had sounded, and the appearance of breakfast announced better things in store for us.*

I think that the heart of even Napoleon, when he first surveyed his future abode, must have sunk within him; and as he passed into the anchoge, the galleries on either side bristling with cannon, and frowning down upon him the despairing in

On rounding Munden's battery, James the rooms being on one floor; and but for Town breaks upon the view. It is singular its situation, it would not have been thought and striking, and quite in harmony with the pretty. But its situation made it a perfect rest of the peculiar scenery of St. Helena. little Paradise, surrounded by barren mounThe houses are all built at the bottom of a tains; it looked an Eden blooming in the wide ravine, which looks as if it had been midst of desolation. caused by some convulsion of nature; or, as if the rock, tired of its solitary life and isolated situation in the midst of the Alantic, had given a great yawn and could not shut its mouth again.

The buildings are confined entirely to the bottom of this cleft or chasm, as its sides are too precipitous to allow of houses being built upon them.

A beautiful avenue of banyan-trees led up to it, and on each side it was flanked by the evergreen and gigantic lacos, interspersed with pomegranate and myrtle, and a profusion of large white roses, more resembling our sweetbriar, from which, indeed, the place derived its name.

A walk shaded by pomegranate-trees, thirty or forty feet in height, conducted to The position of the town renders it suf- the garden-I must plead the same exfocatingly hot in summer. The cool sea-cuse for devoting a few lines to the garden breeze so delicious in most tropical climates that I have for the cottage-that it was is almost excluded by the situation of the lovely in itself, and the favorite retreat of valley, as the inhabitants call James Town, the emperor. and for nine months in the year the heat is almost unendurable.

We were fortunate enough to reside out of town: my father possessing a beautiful little cottage about a mile and a quarter from the valley, called the Briars: a spot which merits a slight description, both from its own beauty, and from having been the residence of Napoleon during the first three months of his exile in St. Helena.

The way to the Briars winds out of the town by roads cut in the side of the mountain. I cannot say I saw much of this road, or the surrounding scenery on my first journey to our distant abode. I was put into a basket and carried on a negro's head, who trudged away with me very merrily, singing some joyous air. Occasionally he put me down to rest, and grinning from ear to ear, asked me if I felt comfortable in my little nest. I was rather frightened, as this was the first time I had seen a black man, but I soon became reconciled to him, and we became great friends.

It would require the pen of a Scott, or the pencil of a Claude, to do any thing like justice to its beauty.

I often wander in my dreams through its myrtle-groves; and the orange-trees with their bright green leaves, delicious blossoms, and golden fruit, seem again before me as they were in my blessed days of childhood. Every description of tropical fruit flourished here luxuriantly.*

Various species of vine, citron, orange, fig, shadoc, guava, mango, all in endless profusion. Nature, as if jealous of the beauty of this enchanting spot, had surrounded it on every side with impenetrable barriers. On the east, to speak geographically, it was bounded by a precipice so steep, as to render all approach impracticable. The dark frowning mountain called Peak Hill, rendered it inaccessible from the south. To the westward, it was protected by a steep declivity, and opposite was a cataract, which was in itself a picturesque and striking object. I forget its exact height, but its roar was very imposing to me, and the volume of water must have been considerable.

He told me he generally carried vegetables into the valley, and appeared highly honored and proud of a living burden being confided to his care. I was soon deposited In that hot climate it was a delightful in safety at the door of the Briars, and next-door neighbor. In the most sultry bid adieu to my sable bearer, who went day one could hardly feel the heat opaway quite delighted with some little pre-pressive when gazing on its cool and sparksent my father gave him for making himself so amiable to me.

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ling waters. On the side nearest the cottage, the defences of the garden were completed by an aloe and prickly-pear hedge, through which no living thing could pene


We had been living for years in this romantic and secluded glen, when our little

*The produce of this garden alone, which the family could not consume, brought annually from 500 to £600.

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