her army. It could not receive a munity of any State from Maine Yet here it lives on and on, year Southern civilization. Let us call nes,

then shall we say Southern

ORANGEBURG C. H., September 9, 1865. persistently the whites of this State twenty-five years, to be the negro's ng, as the traveller does, how these black, one cannot help praying that his friends in future. Yet this canplausibly and eloquently as any one deportation, the inexorable fact rein South Carolina, and must remain call him away. The problem inmust be met on the soil of which he is pt to solve it elsewhere than in the lled special friends will be futile. orth, in respect to South Carolina, is an must be taught what the negro's gro must be taught to wait patiently recognition of those rights in his own so long in the house of bondage for dom, that waiting is weary work for s nothing else for him and us, nothbor, and waiting, and, finally, rest in

as two races. So, too, the city white man and the country white man differ much from each other. The latter, however, is just what he chooses to be, while the country negro is just what slavery and his late owners have made him. Tell me what you will derogatory of the country negro, and very likely I shall assent to most of the language you use. He is very often, and perhaps generally, idle, vicious, improvident, negligent, and unfit to care well for his interests. In himself, he is a hard, coarse, unlovely fact, and no amount of idealizing can make him otherwise. Yet, for all that, he is worth quite as much as the average country white.

acts.

The negro, one may say, is made by his master. I even doubt if he is, in many cases, morally responsible for his With him there is no theft when he takes small property from the white; there is, of course, crime in the eye of the law, but there is none in the design or consciousness of the negro. Has not every day of his existence taught him that robbery is no crime? So, too, if this uncouth freedman, just from the plantation, falls into a passion and half kills somebody, you will utterly fail in your effort to make him understand that he has committed a grave crime. his whole life been witness of just such right and lawful outrage on humanity? This language may indicate a bad state of affairs; but it points out certain conditions with respect to the negro that must be taken into account by any one undertaking to deal with him as a freedman.

Has not

Everybody talks about the negro, at all hours of the day, and under all circumstances. One might in truth sayusing the elegant language of opposition orators in Congress that "the people have got nigger on the brain.” Let conversation begin where it will, it ends with Sambo.

geburg of at least a score. ce is that none of them are ne sound is, that I can't find any

I presume I have asked here and in Charleston if they w with their old masters as slave who did desire to return to t

to find the first one who hesitat

f this difficulty I have in finding a very better than he does freedom tenon whom I met here last evening. emily. I am surprised to b supose it's because you are from t dat dare to tell you his real fee de dont generally consider Northe Ores," he answered, “and that's th ant find out what they think." serve better treatment than they g rg, at least; and I am told t forecast of what I shall see in t Theoretically, and in the intent o

Bureau stands as the next frier , and in the custom of the coun

g

aten as their next enemy. Tha good friend does not need to be e district commissioners under men, and unquestionably the State are meant to secure justice rouble arises from the fact that Commissioner or his chief de , or even half, their various loc ght in hand. Head-quarters for elow here; and the ranking offi agents in at least forty diffe

I scarcely talk with any white man who fails to tell me how anxious many of the negroes are to return to their old homes. In coming up from Charleston I heard of not less than eleven in this condition, and mention has been made

to me here in Orangeburg of at least a score. The first curious circumstance is, that none of them are allowed to return; and the second is, that I can't find any of those desirous of returning. I presume I have asked over a hundred negroes here and in Charleston if they wanted to go back and live with their old masters as slaves, or if they knew any negro who did desire to return to that condition, and I have yet to find the first one who hesitates an instant in answering "No."

he;

I spoke of this difficulty I have in finding a single negro who loved slavery better than he does freedom to an intelligent gentleman whom I met here last evening, a member of the Rhett family. "I am surprised to hear that," said "but I suppose it's because you are from the North, and the negro don't dare to tell you his real feeling." I asked if the blacks don't generally consider Northern men their friends. "O yes," he answered, "and that's the very reason why you can't find out what they think."

They deserve better treatment than they get at our hands in Orangeburg, at least; and I am told that what I see here is a forecast of what I shall see in all parts of the State. Theoretically, and in the intent of Congress, the Freedmen's Bureau stands as the next friend of the blacks; practically, and in the custom of the country, it appears to stand too often as their next enemy. That General Saxton is their good friend does not need to be asserted. Very likely the district commissioners under him are wise and humane men, and unquestionably the general regulations for the State are meant to secure justice to the freedmen.

The trouble arises from the fact that it is impossible for the State Commissioner or his chief deputies to personally know all, or even half, their various local agents. Take the case right in hand. Head-quarters for this district are thirty miles below here; and the ranking officer of the bureau has, probably, agents in at least forty different towns, the major

ity of whom are doubtless lieutenants from the volunteer forces of the army. They are detailed for this duty by the military commander of the post or the district, sometimes after consultation with the district commissioner, but quite generally without. As the post garrisons are constantly changing, there may be a new agent of the bureau once a month in each town of the district; and I need not add, that the probabilities are that half the aggregate number on duty at any given time are wholly unfit for the work intrusted to them.

nd unreliable as plantation an is concur in saying that they w e niggers," said a Charlest it for they were always a: so in less than a year." I a e now doing. Two or three of: one of the women had gone N ambermaid on a steamer, and E

Again, take the case right in hand. The acting agent here at present is a lieutenant from a New York regiment. He is detailed by the colonel commanding, and has been on duty several weeks. Yet he never has seen the district commissioner of the bureau. His duties are to examine, and approve or disapprove, all contracts between the planters and the negroes, and to hear and determine all cases of complaint or grievance arising between the negroes themselves, or between the whites and the negroes. He treats me courteously, but he has no sympathy with the poor and lowly; and his ideas of justice are of the bar-room order, might makes right. He does n't really intend to outrage the rights of the negroes, but he has very little idea that they have any rights except such as the planters choose to give them. His position, of course, is a difficult one; and he brings to it a head more or less muddled with liquor, a rough and coarse manner, a dictatorial and impatient temper, a most remarkable ability for cursing, and a hearty contempt for "the whole d-n pack o' niggers." I speak from the observation of a good deal of time spent in and around his office.

Whites of

work on one wharf the other I thought the free negro w aly a temporary state of aff before winter; and I don't look weather comes but to have them en back; but I sha'n't do it. I w for them."

I found Charleston full of country negroes. all classes concur in saying that there is a general impression throughout the back districts that lands are to be given the freed people on the sea-coast; and this, I am told, renders

the private soldiers on duty here generally overreach the negroes of and my observation among tends to confirm this assertion t such

e length in respect to f You Northern people are utter

anything can be done with thes They can't be governed ex my plantation there was n't fight; but the negroes k if they did n't behave then lash kept them in good order. Fiat a good home they always at that they never were obliged

2

iable as plantation hands.

in saying that they will not work. ers," said a Charleston gentleman; or they were always a nuisance, and ess than a year." I asked, as usual, g. Two or three of the men went he women had gone North as a cook,

on a steamer, and he found three one wharf the other day. "But," ught the free negro would n't work." temporary state of affairs, and they'll r; and I don't look for nothing else es but to have them all asking me I sha'n't do it. I would n't give ten

soldiers on duty here tell me that the Treach the negroes on every possible ervation among such as I have seen firm this assertion to a considerable

cars from Charleston I had for seatone of the delegates to the ConvenColumbia next week. He was a very e gentleman, past middle age, and late wo negroes. He was good enough to ngth in respect to the character of the ern people are utterly mistaken in supbe done with these negroes in a free t be governed except with the whip. on there was n't much whipping, say at the negroes knew they would be n't behave themselves, and the fear m in good order." He went on to exome they always had; laying stress on er were obliged to think for themselves,