test vote, on the second reading of the original ordinance, immediately followed, resulting Yeas 105, Nays 9. The nine who were found utterly opposed to the report were W. A. Allen of Duplin County, T. J. Faison of Sampson, D. D. Ferrebee of Camden, George Howard of Edgecombe, H. Joyner of Warren, M. E. Manly of Craven, A. A. McCoy of Sampson, H. F. Murphy of Wilmington, and R. H. Ward of Rockingham.

"Let's

It was late in the day, and everybody was tired. suspend the rules, and put the ordinance on its passage tonight," cried Settle, the fair, of Rockingham. Nobody objected, the rules were suspended, and the President stood up and demanded in a loud and measured voice, “This ordinance having been three times read, the question is, shall it pass?" Somebody raised the question that, not being, an ordinance to amend the Constitution, it did not need three readings, and was already passed. Several delegates vociferated clamorous advice, and Mr. President, new in his duties, stood half bewildered. Settle cut the knot with his sonorous, "It's a good thing, and let's give it three readings, anyhow!" So the measured voice again demanded, "Shall the ordinance pass?" There was a strong and exultant "Aye," the clear and emphatic "No" of Howard and McCoy, the suggestive silence of Manly and Ferrebee,— and then the President's word of announcement, "The or

dinance is passed."

Thus did the State set her heel on the head of the viper of secession; and thus was the mild sovereignty of the old banner reaffirmed and re-established, never more to be defied or denied in North Carolina.

7*

XVII.

ACTION IN REGARD TO SLAVERY AND THE FREEDMEN.

RALEIGH, October 11, 1865.

HE curse of North Carolina is a sort of petrified Hun

THE kerism. The best men in the Convention stand un

blushingly in their places and repeat, one after another, the short creed of the Hunkers: "I believe in the white man only. I believe that this country was made for white men only. I believe this is the white man's government, and no negro should have any part in it." Thus they justify their individual action, and the collective action of their constituents. And they fortify their justification with the result of the recent vote in Connecticut, of course. Thus Mr. Thomas Settle, late District Attorney, and Speaker of the lower house of the Legislature, and now candidate for a seat in Congress, one of the ablest of the delegates: "This is a white man's government, and intended for white men only, as even Connecticut, in New England itself, has just decided."

The action of the Convention on the slavery question, under the leadership of Mr. Settle, was, however, as prompt, decisive, and radical as any man could desire. The committee to consider the subject made its report on the third day's session, and it came up next in order after the report respecting the secession ordinance. The clause for the new Constitution is substantially in the words of the ordinance of 1787, and is as follows:

66

Slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than for crimes, whereof the parties shall have been duly convicted, shall be and hereby are forever prohibited within the State."

In South Carolina a long time was the phraseology of the slavery clause.

spent in determining Exceeding sensitive

ness was manifested in regard to the matter by many gentlemen, three or four of whom even went so far as to say that they would not vote for it at all unless it recited the "historical fact" that the abolition was by the United States authorities. That a question of this sort would be raised here was certain enough, but that it would find less than a dozen supporters was unexpected.

Mr. John B. Odom, of Northampton County, proposed to amend by inserting so that the clause should read: "The institution of slavery having been destroyed in North Carolina, it is hereby declared that slavery and involuntary servitude," etc. He very briefly said that he fully accepted the terms of the President for restoration to political rights, and would not only cheerfully vote for the prohibition of slavery, but would oppose any attempt to retain control of the subject; but he thought it advisable to declare the historical fact about the matter.

Mr. Settle favored the language of the report, as being plain, simple, and direct. If it were necessary to insert the historical fact, let the mover go on and recite that slavery was killed by secession, which a majority of the people of the State always opposed; that it might have been partially retained if the Davis government had not been obstinate; and that it received its death-thrust when the Confederate government adopted the policy of taking negroes into the army. He could n't see any occasion for putting into the clause a looking-glass in which future generations might see the gaping wounds of this.

Mr. Bedford Brown also opposed the qualifying phrase. He wanted the clause to stand as it came from the committee, pure and simple; he wanted it to appear that the people of North Carolina now, wiser for the result of the late war, of their own free choice abolish and forever prohibit slavery.

Probably these arguments would have proved sufficient to

kill the amendment; but its little show of vitality vanished in an instant when a member of the Smith family moved to insert in it after the words "North Carolina," the words, "by the Secessionists." This palpable hit caused an explosion of laughter, which carried it to the table with only six or eight opposing voices.

66

Colonel Thomas J. Faison, of Sampson County, in manner and appearance the leader of a gang of guerillas, and in fact a Rebel of the most virulent and malignant type, proposed to strike the word "forever" from the ordinance, SO as to let the next generation," he explained, "do what it pleases about the matter." Half a dozen delegates were on their feet demanding the yeas and nays; and poor Faison, dumfounded at the storm he had unwittingly raised, withdrew his amendment, and followed that action by withdrawing himself in confusion from the chamber.

This closed the debate, which had not occupied over fifteen minutes. It was twenty minutes before noon on the 7th instant. One hundred and nine delegates answered to their names on the call of the roll. William Baker, of Ashe County, plumply responded "No"; but every other name in the list was against him, and he changed his vote before it was announced.

And so, by a unanimous vote of her delegates in Convention assembled, the State of North Carolina, acting under the force of necessity, declared slavery abolished and forever prohibited within her limits. In how large and humane a sense this prohibition is declared, let the future show.

The question of negro suffrage does not either directly or indirectly come before the Convention; yet three or four delegates have not failed to find occasion to show their standing. One of them, to be sure, was tipsyish when he did so; but in this case, as I learned in private conversation, Philip sober did not differ in opinion from Philip drunk.

“I am unalterably opposed to negro suffrage," said one delegate; "the negro was not intended to use a ballot." "I am opposed to negro suffrage, because this is a white man's government," said another. "The legislation of the State should be conceived in full and unreserved conformity to existing relations, rather than to any scheme of social and political equality," said a third. "I can't see what people mean who advocate negro suffrage," observed a fourth. It is all of that sort, no one takes cognizance of the fact that there has been a deluge, nor of the other fact that the whole superstructure of Southern society rests on the back of the

negro.

There is in the Convention, as in some sections of the State, a good deal of talk the drift of which I do not understand. Said one delegate: "It is uncharitable and unkind to feel any resentment toward the negro for anything that happened during the war; it is not his fault that he was made free; he was faithful and obedient to the end." Said another: "The negro had no agency in establishing his freedom, and we must not condemn him for that which he made no effort to produce." As if it were a sin to be free! Or, as if in getting freedom the negro had got a great evil! What means this pseudo sentiment for the freedman?

Of course colonization finds favor, and finds it in some unexpected quarters. General Alfred Dockery, venerable of years and venerated for his public and private character, is its leading advocate. He urged it in a half-hour's speech, illustrating his argument with much reference to the colonization of the Indians. "The blacks have ceased to be producers, and the whites cannot support them," he argued; "therefore it would be better for both races that they be separated." Here again the North was made to do duty. Mr. Caldwell, of Greensboro, wanted an equal distribution of the negroes to all parts of the country; "and when that is done, North Carolina will do as much for the negro as