Jefferson county was represented in the assembly by Benjamin Maxson, Harvey D. Parker and Fleury Keith; St. Lawrence, by Charles G. Myers, John S. Chipman and Benjamin Holmes; Oswego, by M. Lindley Lee and A. Z. McCarty; Lewis, by David D. Reamer.

CHAPTER XIX.

The Fight of the Factions-The Split at Baltimore-The Buffalo Convention-Van Buren and Adams Nominated-Birth of the Republican Party.

The barnburners were fortunate in one respect, they contended for a principle, viz.: the non-extension of slavery. Their quarrel with the hunkers grew out of the fact that they did not obtain just recognition in the party. The state had been for a long period in the hands of the democracy; the best positions were occupied by men who had been in them for a long time, and who considered that they were serving the people about as well as they could be served, (and this was probably true,) and they were reluctant to surrender their places. These men, to a large extent, controlled the affairs of the party, shaped its policy, and dictated its appointments. So the young men in the party did not have a fair show, either for political influence or the offices, (at least that was their impression,) and they were compelled to "go west" or remain in the background.

This state of things gave rise to the barnburner faction. Old men are generally loath to give up to the boys. They are apt to hold on as long as they can-sometimes to their own detriment. But there was a principle, an important principle, at stake in this matter. The young democrats declared for something beside political power and the offices; they were for freedom, for free territory and free men. They differed with the old men in the party who said "things are well enough as they are; nothing is to be gained by agitation; let well enough alone."

The young democrats did not subscribe to these opinions. Mr. Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, congressman and a worthy democrat, had offered an amendment to an appropriation bill which was intended to restrict slavery to its then existing limits, and it passed the house. The younger portion of the party approved this doctrine, and they adhered to it at Syracuse, adhered to it at Herkimer, and at Utica, adhered to it at all their meetings. It was the corner stone of their political faith. I never supposed they were any better men than the hunkers; but they appeared to be actuated by principle-and some of them were-while the hunkers seemed to care as much for political influence and the offices as anything.

Had the leaders in the liberal republican movement in 1872 been able to show that the Grant administration had been faithless to some vital principle they might have made an issue with it that would have been very serviceable to them, but they were only able to say that they had been ignored in the distribution of official favors. They considered themselves quite as good republicans as the men who were getting all the offices, and raised a great outcry because they were neglected; but the masses of the party looked upon this as a small matter, and declined to join in the fight against General Grant, which was, to a great extent, a personal one.

In February, 1848, the barnburner wing of the party met in Utica and organized. Delegates were appointed to the democratic national convention at Baltimore. The delegates for this district were Alpheus S. Greene and James F. Starbuck.

John Van Buren made a speech of tremendous power in the convention. I remember his declaring that if the American people could not be stirred on the great question of human freedom they could not be moved on any subject. All the leading barnburners were there, and a

great many of them made speeches. I had the honor of being one of the vice-presidents.

The hunkers held a convention (I think at Albany) and also appointed delegates to the national convention. So there were two sets of delegates from this state, both claiming to be regular. The convention voted to admit both, with authority to cast 36 votes, the number to which the state was entitled. This did not suit the barnburners, and they withdrew, and the convention nominated General Lewis Cass of Michigan, who was defeated, and General Taylor, the whig candidate, elected. The barnburners called a second convention at Utica, June 22d, at which Martin Van Buren was nominated for president.

This movement, with others of a similar character, occurring in various parts of the country about this time -for the political elements were in fearful commotionled to the calling of the famous Buffalo convention, which was held the 9th of August, and was composed of the dissatisfied elements in all the political organizations. The leading barnburners were of course there. Mr. Henry B. Stanton, in his "Random Recollections," says they had been at Baltimore, and "made the monumental city lurid with their wrath, frightening the delegates from the back states almost out of their wits." They adjourned the conflict to the "Queen City of the Lakes." Though I was appointed a delegate to this convention, I was unable to be present, but Mr. Stanton was there, and was one of the committee that drafted its free soil platform. "It was," says Mr. Stanton, "a motley assembly. Inspired by loves and by hates, it was a curious mixture of incongruous elements. Old proslavery democrats were there to avenge the wrongs of Martin Van Buren. Free soil democrats were there to punish the assassins of Silas Wright. Pro-slavery whigs were there to strike down General Taylor because he had

dethroned their old idol, Henry Clay, in the Philadelphia convention. Anti-slavery whigs were there, breathing the spirit of John Quincy Adams. Abolitionists of all shades of opinion were present, from the darkest type to those of a milder hue, who shared the views of Salmon P.Chase. An immense tent was raised on the courthouse square for the accommodation of the convention, where the crowds were regaled with speeches and music. Its real business was conducted by delegates in a church close at hand. There was a rooted prejudice against Mr. Van Buren among the whigs and abolitionists; but the adroit eloquence of his former law partner, Benjamin F. Butler of Albany, and an admirable free soil letter from the sage of Lindenwald himself, carried him through, and he was nominated for president, with Charles Francis Adams for vice president. The democratic revolt in New York gave its thirty-six electoral votes to Taylor and Fillmore, which was exactly their majority in the Union. The breach in the New York democracy has never been completely healed."

The platform was outspoken on the subject of freedom. The last resolution read:

"RESOLVED, That we inscribe on our banner, FREE SOIL, FREE SPEECH, FREE LABOR AND FREE MEN, and under it will fight on and fight ever, until a triumphant victory shall reward our exertions."

While the ticket failed to receive a single electoral vote, it was sustained by a large popular vote, as will be seen by these figures: In Maine it had 12,000, Vermont nearly 14,000, Massachusetts 38,000, Ohio 35,000, Michigan 10,000, Wisconsin 10,000, Pennsylvania 11,000. In New York it received 120,510, or 6,192 more votes than were given for General Cass. Of the vote for Van Buren in this state something like one hundred thousand must have been cast by the barnburners, few of whom ever returned to the democratic fold to stay. An effort was made to reconcile the differences in the party, and it was