with the representatives. If they considered a banking institution required in the ambitious town of Enterprise, the charter was granted; otherwise it was withheld. After a while, a dozen or more localities, all desiring an increase of banking facilities, "pooled issues" and brought into existence a great number of banks. This kind of business was styled log-rolling legislation, and was vehemently condemned by those gentlemen whose constituents did not happen to be seeking favors at the hands of the legislature.

A

But this was not the end of state surveillance. charter being obtained, there was a rush for the stock. This was true as to bank stock, where ten times the number of shares would be subscribed for that were authorized by the bill. Then commissioners were appointed to apportion the stock, who were charged with the grossest partiality, favoring friends and disregarding the claims of others.

I refer to these things as showing that the founders of our institutions lacked faith in the capacity of the people for self-government. They appear to have considered the legislative and executive departments of the government endowed with superhuman wisdom, while the people from whom they derived all their authority, and for whom they spoke and acted, were a lot of dolts and incapables.

In the progress of events, however, general statutes were passed authorizing individuals, under certain restrictions, to form themselves into associations for the purpose of engaging in banking, for building railroads, for publishing newspapers; in a word, for prosecuting any legitimate business. The legislature is no longer the overshadowing power it used to be. It has been found that the people are competent to do a great many things without the help of government. There is a good degree of local self-government. There is not so much of it as

there ought to be; not so much as there will be some day, when the true province of government shall be better understood, as consisting in the protection of individuals in their person and property. Government never did and never can benefit the masses governed. It should let every person alone while he is a good citizen, attends to his own affairs, and does not try to overreach and injure his fellow men.

Nor did the politicians have quite as much faith in the masses as might be supposed, judging from the language they were wont to employ. Even the politicians of the democratic republican party, which was the dominant political organization in this state fifty and sixty years ago, must have lacked confidence in their adherents as a body, or they would not have undertaken to direct the affairs of the party through the agency of a regency, with headquarters at the state capital and auxiliaries in every county in the state.

What was known as the "Albany regency" embraced some of the ablest men and shrewdest politicians the country has ever known-such men as Ben Knower, Martin Van Buren, W. L. Marcy, Azariah C. Flagg, Edwin Croswell, and John A. Dix. This is not by any means the entire list, but the names mentioned may be taken as samples of the crowd. They were all strong men. I have met them all, save Mr. Knower. They were all-powerful throughout the state by means of the appointing power. Prior to 1847 there were five judges in every county-a first judge and four side judges-and no man was allowed to occupy a seat upon the bench of whose loyalty to party or the acts of the regency there could be the least question. Besides these officers there. were masters and examiners in chancery in every county, designated ostensibly by the governor and senate, but really by the "regency" and its agents, the judges in the different counties. So the political affairs of the

dominant party were engineered by a small number of persons acting in perfect accord. The central power in Albany, with its trusted friends outside, dictated every appointment made. Hence, if a man wanted an office at the hands of the governor, it was necessary that he should be on good terms with the county judges, be a straightout democrat, and a reliable friend of theirs. Except he would swear allegiance to the powers that be, it was useless for him to look for an appointment.

With these things there was little complaint while the counties were new, and the number of persons qualified for and ambitious to serve the people in a judicial capacity small. After a while, however, many democrats became tired of this kind of politics, and insisted that the appointments should be made by more democratic methods. They opposed the "regency" and its style of doing business. It was a political machine; compared with it the one of which so much was heard in this state a few years since was a harmless affair. It is understood to have been the invention of Mr. Van Buren. If so it served him well in the nominating conventions, but was powerless with the people.

The constitutional convention held in 1846 was asked for by a vote of 213,257 for, to 33,860 against, and the main object sought to be accomplished by its advocates was the overthrow of this political machine. The fight between the barnburners and the hunkers, which began about that time, and severed the democratic party in twain, had its origin in the fact that the former were denied (as they contended) a fair share of the honors and emoluments of office under the regency plan of dispensing the same.

CHAPTER VII.

Collapse in Values Following the Suspension of 1837-The Democracy Demoralized in New York in 1838-Seward Elected Governor.

I have dwelt at some length upon the mania for speculation so prevalent in many portions of our land in 1835-6, and which ended the following year in the suspension of cash payment by our banking institutions, by the federal and most if not all the state governments, and in the bankruptcy of large numbers of the people. Those who had kept out of debt were fortunate, but it was a troublesome time for others. The simple truth was, there was no such thing as paying debts except the creditor would take property. There was great tribulation in the financial and business world. The only redeeming thing in the premises was that nearly everybody was in the same boat.

Of course, there was a great deal of dissatisfaction and grumbling. Everybody found fault with somebody or something. The government was blamed. The whigs insisted that if the charter of the United States bank had been renewed the country would have escaped the great calamity in which it was involved; and there were democrats, smarting under the terrible reverses they had experienced, who were inclined to the same opinion. They called themselves conservative democrats. It was through their influence that Thomas Allen was chosen printer to the national house of representatives, who commenced the publication of the Madisonian newspaper in Washington, in opposition to the Globe, the organ of General Jackson and Mr. Van Buren. One of the New

York senators, Mr. Tallmadge, gave the Van Buren administration the cold shoulder. Several of the members of the house from this state, who had been chosen as democrats, acted with him. Among them were Henry A. Foster of Oneida, A. P. Grant of Oswego, and, I think, the representative from this district, Isaac H. Bronson. So the party was badly demoralized; and when the election came off in November, 1837, it sustained a Waterloo defeat. Of the 128 members of assembly, the democrats elected barely 27! Of these Allegany elected 2, Clinton 1, Chemung 1, Delaware 2, Herkimer 2, Jefferson 3, Lewis 1, Madison 3, Otsego 3, Putnam 1, Rockland 1, Sullivan 1, St. Lawrence 2, Seneca 1, Suffolk 2, Warren 1. Total 27.

The democrats did not fare much better in the senate, but as three-fourths of the senators held over, they held control of that body. In this district Avery Skinner, father of Charles R. Skinner, was chosen.

The democrats elected most of their ticket in this county, but they lost their nominee for sheriff, Joseph Sheldon. Peleg Burchard was chosen county clerk, and Messrs. Daniel Wardwell, Richard Hulbert and Charles B. Hoard were elected to the assembly.

From Lewis, William Dominick was chosen; from St. Lawrence, Preston King and Myron G. Peck; from Oswego, Arvin Rice and John M. Richardson. Luther Bradish was sent from Franklin, (a third time,) and was made speaker of the assembly. He was in 1838 chosen lieutenant governor.

The result of the election in 1837 showed that the democrats had lost their "grip" upon this state, and possibly upon a majority of the states, for they met with serious reverses almost everywhere. Still, they did not give up, but made a vigorous effort to recover the ground they had lost. In this state, the home of Mr. Van Buren, tremendous exertions were put forth in 1838 to maintain