The Political Economy of ChangeIlchman and Uphoff believe that political science has failed in the past to meet its own standards of rigor and cogency and does not meet standards of usefulness and relevance set by others. The Political Economy of Change attempts to remedy these shortcomings by expanding the limits of social science analysis to deal with problems of allocation and productivity in all spheres of public choice, not just the economic sphere. |
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內容
WHY POLITICAL ECONOMY? | 3 |
THE NEW POLITICAL ECONOMY | 26 |
POLITICAL RESOURCES | 49 |
POLITICAL EXCHANGE | 92 |
POLITICAL INFLATION AND DEFLATION | 136 |
POLITICAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT | 160 |
POLITICAL RESOURCE ACCUMULATION | 180 |
POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE INFRASTRUCTURE | 208 |
THE APPLICATION OF POLITICAL ECONOMY | 256 |
REFERENCES CITED | 287 |
INDEX | 303 |
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常見字詞
able accept accorded achieve action activity allocation alternative amount analysis areas authority become behavior benefits capital choices coercion combination compliance concerned consequences consider considerable contributions costs countries course currency decisions demand depends desired discussion economic effective ends example exchange expenditure factors force future gain give given goals greater groups ideology important increase inflation influence infrastructure interest investment involved kind leaders legitimacy less limited maintain marginal means measure mobilization objectives offer organization particular party perhaps persons political economy political resources position possible preferences present prestige probably problems production propensities reduce regime regime's relationships relatively require result roles saving scientists sectors secure share situation social sources statesman status strategy suggests supply theory threats tion usually utility various violence
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第 28 頁 - In my view every economic fact, whether or not it is of such a nature as to be expressed in numbers, stands in relation as cause and effect to many other facts : and since it never happens that all of them can be expressed in numbers, the application of exact mathematical methods to those which can is nearly always waste of time, while in the large majority of cases it is positively misleading...
第 277 頁 - If we can get our social life stated in terms of activity, and of nothing else, we have not indeed succeeded in measuring it, but we have at least reached a foundation upon which a coherent system of measurements can be built up.
第 xxvi 頁 - ... contrary-to-fact assumptions by the argument that their veridicality is unimportant. In many cases, in fact, this veridicality may be crucial to reaching correct conclusions about the central questions of political economy. Only a comparison of predictions can tell us whether a case before us is one of these. The social sciences have been accustomed to look for models in the most spectacular successes of the natural sciences. There is no harm in that, provided that it is not done in a spirit...
第 xxviii 頁 - ... the high degree of indeterminacy embedded in situations where \ unexpected events {fortuna), insufficient information, hurried and audacious choices, confusion about motives and interests, plasticity, and even indefinition of political identities, as well as the talents of specific individuals (virtu), are frequently decisive in determining the outcomes.
第 xix 頁 - In weather, for example, this translates into what is only halfjokingly known as the Butterfly Effect — the notion that a butterfly stirring the air today in Peking can transform storm systems next month in New York.
第 13 頁 - ... speed up capital formation out of profits. If it is impossible to increase taxation. and the alternative is between creating capital out of credit. and not creating it at alL the choice one has then to make is between stable prices or rising output. There is no simple formula for making this choice. In some communities any further inflation of prices would ruin their fragile social or political equilibrium: in others this equilibrium will be destroyed if there is not a sharp increase in output...
第 21 頁 - The peculiarity of economic theory, therefore, is not the separate class of variables it employs but the parameters which distinguish the special case or class of cases we call economic in the use of the general variables of social theory from the other important types of special case
第 104 頁 - On the other hand, an act analysed in terms of its effect on the state of the actor toward whom it is oriented (and thus only indirectly, through his probable future action, on the state of the system) is called a sanction. This is an analytical distinction. Every concrete act has both a performance...
第 24 頁 - ... place where political ideas can freely compete on their own merits for support. Political discussion tends rather to assume the form of either intracommunal debate or one group justifying its position toward another. The communal framework also sharply limits freedom in altering political allegiances. Any change in political identification generally requires a change in one's social and personal relationships; conversely, any change in social relations tends to result in a change in political...
第 240 頁 - They are, rather, the only means by which groups not in a position to analyze a complex situation rationally may adjust themselves to it, through stereotypization, oversimplification, and reassurance. There have, of course, been many instances of effective administration and enforcement of regulatory statutes. In each such instance it will be found that organized groups have had an informed interest in effective administration.