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and go back about sunset. A Picquet of a Serg! & 12 or 14 men, lies in the front of Sheldon's, on the road to Kingsbridge, and another of 4 men on a hill more on their left : both about a mile and a half from the Regiment. They had no camp equippage till yesterday morning, when the tents came to camp. No body of troops has crossed the River lately. He thinks the Jersey brigade is on the other side. The talk among the men is, that the French fleet is to come round to Sandy Hook, and that the Army, which is said to consist of 16,000 men, is then to attack Kingsbridge. They are in daily expectation of some French cannon from Rhode Island, and when they arrive, the army is to advance nearer.

From Cap Beckwith 14" July, 1781. Peter Beattie and Michael Campbell, left Philo last Monday ; they travelled thro' Jersey privately ; came thro' Trenton, Princeton, Brunswick, Woodbridge, Elizabethtown, Newark, Hackensack, and crossed that river some miles above the Newbridge on Wednesday about midnight : at which time they were taken prisoners by some soldiers of the Jersey brigade. They were detained and marched with the corps till within 2 miles of Sneading's block-house, but taking the advantage of a halt, on Thursday, they made their escape into the woods, from whence they got opposite to the Guard ships* who brought them off.

They understood the Jersey brigade was to cross the river at that time to join Washington.

* In the Hudson, just above the City.

(To be Continued.)



The communication from Dr. Charles R. King, entitled “Rufus King and the Duel between Gen. Hamilton and Col. Burr” (MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY, March, 1884, pp. 212-217) recalls to my recollection a letter, written in August, 1797, by James Monroe to Alexander Hamilton, which I have always regarded with interest, as indicating something of Burr's animus towards Hamilton, as far back as seven years prior to their fatal meeting, in 1804.

This letter is the original draft (or a copy) in Monroe's own writing, filed by him among his private papers, and bears this indorsement in his well-known hand: "Augt. 6, 1797. Col. Hamilton-Did he mean his as a challenge?" It has been in my possession nearly forty years, and, so far as I know, has never been in print. I · therefore now send a copy, for publication in the Magazine, as follows:

James Monroe to Alexander Hamilton

“ Phila. Augt. 6th 1797 Sir.

I do not clearly understand the import of your letter of the 4th instant and therefore desire an explanation of it. With this view I will give you an explanation of mine which preceded it.

Seeing no adequate cause by any thing in our late correspondence why I shod give a challenge to you, I own it was not my intention to give or even provoke one by any thing contained in those letters. I meant only to observe that I shod stand on the defensive, and receive one in case you thought fit to give it. If therefore you were under a contrary impression, I frankly own you are mistaken. If, on the other hand, you meant this last letter as a challenge to me, I have then to request that you will say so, and in which case have to inform you that my friend Colo. Burr, who will present you this, and who will communicate with you on the subject, is authorized to give you my answer to it, and to make such other arrangements as may be suitable in such an event. I am with due respect, y' most Obt Servant,


No one, familiar with the rivalry between Burr and Hamilton, and knowing the hatred and vindictiveness of the former, can, I think, fail to see in the closing paragraph of Monroe's letter "the hand of Joab in this thing." To me it is clear that as early as 1797, Burr's animosity against his great rival led him to take part in a quarrel between Hamilton and Monroe. For, if the controversy had gone so far as to raise the question, whether a challenge haid been actually given, and an inquiry

This one,

to that effect was thus made, through “my friend Colo. Burr," who was “ authorized to make such other arrangements as may be suitable,” it is evident that Burr was Monroe's confidential adviser, if not chief instigator, in a correspondence which he probably thought would be very likely to end in a Duel. One thing is most certain, whatever may or may not have been done by Rufus King to prevent the Duel of 1804, credulity itself will hardly assign to Aaron Burr the role of peacemaker in this case !

What the controversy may have been, between Monroe and Hamilton, to which this letter appertains—how it arose, and what it was about, or when and in what way it ended—I do not know, and have never been able to ascertain. solitary letter, detached from the file, is the only part of the correspondence which ever came into my possession. No such quarrel, or controversy, between these two is clearly mentioned in any Biography of either, which I have read. The only possible allusion to it-and it is barely an allusion--that I can find, in the Life and Writings of Hamilton, by his son, is contained in the following extract from a letter of John Barker Church (Vol. VI., p. 261), dated

"July 13th, 1797 Francis told me that Giles, Madison, and Findlay had frequent meetings at his brother's house, and that they used a variety of persuasions to prevail on him to accuse you of being concerned with Reynolds in speculation of Certificates. I suppose Monroe will be at Philadelphia to-morrow, and I think, from what I observed yesterday, that he is inclined to be very gentle, and that he is much embarrassed how to get out of the scrape in which he has involved himself.”

I would be glad if any reader of the Magazine, who may be able to do so, would furnish, through its pages, some account of the difficulty between Monroe and Hamilton, to which the letter above given relates, and especially any facts throwing further light, if possible, on Burr's share in the transaction.


FRANKLIN AND JOHN PAUL JONES A small but precious collection of autographs has recently come into the possession of the Astor Library, and among them is a letter from Benjamin Franklin to John Paul Jones, which recalls the mutual helpfulness and friendship of these radically different characters of American history. Franklin's foreign diplomacy was, no doubt, materially aided by the enthusiasm of France at the exploits of this dashing rover of the seas, and Jones would never have trod the quarter-deck of a French frigate as its commander, if the calm philosopher and prudent statesman had not earnestly advocated his advancement. It was a singular co-operation between the wisdom of old age and the valor of youth, an old head and a young heart working together for the independence of their country.

VOL. XII.-No. 1.-6

When Jones ran over to Europe in the Ranger at the end of 1777, it was to Franklin, the chief of the United States Commissioners to France, that he applied for advice and instructions. During the weary months of waiting and longing for active employment that succeeded his first foray upon the coasts of Britain, Jones was in constant correspondence with Franklin, then Minister Plenipotentiary. Franklin exhorted him to patience, and urged him to come in person to the court of Versailles. Mindful of Poor Richard's saying, “If you would have your business done, come yourself, if not, send,” Jones did become a courtier for a time, and with the aid of Franklin's powerful influence at last secured from the French government a ship, the name of which he changed to the Bon Homme Richard in compliment to his wise friend. Franklin's residence in France was the country house of M. Le Ray de Chaumont, at Passy near Paris, and this gentleman was on such intimate terms with court and ministry, that he was chosen to superintend the fitting out of the expedition, destined to cast immortal glory upon the name of John Paul Jones. After the famous encounter with the Serapis, Jones sent an account of his victory to Franklin, and heard in reply that all Paris and Versailles were talking of his “cool conduct and persevering bravery during that terrible conflict."

Sparks's edition of Franklin's works contains eleven of his letters to John Paul Jones in the years 1778, 1779, and 1780, but the letter in the Astor Library, given below, was written seven years later, on the eve of Jones's departure for Europe, when Franklin had reached the age of eighty-one, and is interesting as another proof of the long continuance of their friendship.

0. A. B.

" Philada July 22. 1787. Dear Sir,

I am sorry I cannot yet send you the Papers you desir'd. My Grandson has remain’d in the Country longer than I expected, and is still there. But I will send them to you at Paris by the first Opportunity, under Cover to Mr. Jefferson. Be pleased to present my Respects to him, and acquaint him that the Convention goes on well, and that there is hope of great Good to result from their Counsels. I intend'd to have wrote to him: but three Days Illness from which I have hardly recovered, have prevented me. Please to acquaint Mr. Short, too, that I received the Packets he was so kind as to send me, and am much oblig'd to him for his Care of them.--I wish you a good Voyage, and every kind of Prosperity ; being with sincere Esteem, Dear Sir,

Your most obedient
& most humble Servant

B. Franklin I am not able to write by this Ship to any of my Friends in Paris, being so weak as to be scarce able to finish this Letter.

Honble Commodore Jones."



The article by P. Koch on the “ Discovery of the Yellowstone National Park," in your June issue, excellently opens an avenue of research that ought not to have been so long neglected. In the hope of stimulating further investigation I send you a few notes on the subject. My interest in the matter has been intensified by fourteen days of wandering in the Park last August with only three companions.

In Mr. Koch's paper (XI. 499, 506), the Sulphur Springs, on the Stinking Water, are put down under the name of “ Colter's Hill,or said to be so set down on old maps.

Is hill a misprint for hell ? * or did map-makers really think it best to tone down a harsh expression, lest it should grate on ears polite? Colter's Hell must no doubt be the real naine. Says P. W. Norris, Superintendent of the Park, in his report for 1880, p. 28, “Coulter's Hell was a standing camp-fire jest upon now well-known realities, for many years, even long after I was first upon the Lower Yellowstone."

How far back can the phrase, Coulter's Hell, be traced ? That pair of words, well followed up, may be a clew to mysteries in Park discovery that are still labyrinthine. Again, Mr. Koch spells the name of Captain Clark with a final e.

Here is a clear orthographical mistake. No such final letter is found on the map to which Mr. Koch refers. None was used by Captain Clark himself ; I have in my hands the most interesting letter he ever wrote, namely, from the Mandans in the spring of 1805. It is in perfect preservation, and his signature has no final vowel.

“ Fort Mandan in Lat 47° 21' 47'' N

Long 101° 25' W

April the 2nd 1805 Dear Major (WTM Croghan]

By the return of a party of soldiers and Frenchmen who accompanied us to this place for the purpose of assisting in transporting provisions &c. I have the pleasure of sending you this hasty scrawl, which will do little more than inform you where I am.—My time being entirely taken up in preparing information for our government, and attending to those duties which are absolutely necessary for the promotion of our enterprise, and attending to Indians, deprives me the satisfaction of giving you a satisfactory detail of this country. I must therefore take the liberty of referring you to my brother to whom I have enclosed a map and some sketches relative to the Indians. Our party has enjoyed a great share of health, and are in high spirits. We shall leave this place in two days on our journey. [They did so April 7.) Country and river above this is but little known. Our information is altogether from Indians, collected at different times and entitled to some credit.

* The word kill is a misprint. In Mr. Koch's manuscript the name is “Colter's Hell."--Editor. Contributed through the courtesy of Dr. Lyman C. Draper, of the Wisconsin Historical Society.

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