and hard, contemptuous and vindictive responses among the national legislators, dismayed all classes. The Democrats met in convention at Charleston in April, 1860, with full delegations from every State in the Union. But it was a many-minded assemblage and began wrangling on the start. Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts, presided. It was found impossible to agree upon a "platform," and after much angry disputation fifty delegates withdrew. The remainder balloted fifty-seven times for

a candidate, and Douglas received the highest number of votes, but not sufficient for his nomination. The convention finally adjourned in despair to meet in Baltimore on the 18th of June. The Charleston seceders arranged to meet at the same time and place, hoping to effect a reconciliation. An overture was made by the South to the New York Delegationwho held the situation-to heal all difficulties by the nomination of Governor Horatio Seymour, an overture which was rejected. The original body proceeded to confirm the nomination of Mr. Douglas. The seceding convention then nominated for Vice-President John C. Breckinridge, who represented the slave-holding interests of the South. In the mean time another party, called the "Constitutional Union," met in convention and nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, for President, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. This party was a combination of conservative elements, temporarily brought together, and its expressed purpose was the preservation of the Union.

To accommodate the nominating convention of the Republicans, an immense Wigwam was constructed in Chicago. On the morning of the 16th of May it was crowded to overflowing with delegates and their friends from Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Missouri, the District of Columbia, Kansas, and Nebraska, and from all the free States. The importance of the occasion was fully understood. Governor Morgan, of New York, called the assembly to order, and George Ashmun, of Massachusetts, was made permanent chairman. Two days were spent in organizing, and on the third the balloting began. New York presented her distinguished son, William H. Seward, for the nomination, and several of the States voted for him, but Mr. Lincoln gained in the second ballot, and in the third received the majority vote. During this never-to-be-forgotten day scenes of the wildest excitement occurred. Every inch of space within the Wigwam was filled, and tens of thousands who could not enter thronged the streets, the balconies, and the house tops; ladies in groups were seated in chairs upon the sidewalks, or stood in uncomfortable places through the long hours. Men stationed on the roof of the Wigwam communicated what was going on within to the anxious and waiting audience without. The announcement that Lincoln was nominated elicited thunders of applause, one hundred guns joining in the general uproar. A large portrait of Lincoln sprang as if by magic to the platform, and as soon as his voice could be heard above the cheering, William M. Evarts, in behalf of New York, moved that the nomination be made unanimous, and the motion was seconded by Carl Schurz, of Wisconsin, and Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, and carried in a frenzy of enthusiasm.

The canvass thus opened was distinguished from all that had preceded it by the serious character of the issues, and the sharpness with which they were defined by three of the contestants. Douglas, with great spirit and tireless energy, addressed the people of nearly every State in the Union.

In Illinois he frequently alternated with Lincoln in the occupancy of public halls, both candidates attracting enormous crowds. The country was once more alive with mass-meetings and torch-light parades, and party tactics were very much animated by the performances of the youthful "Wide Awakes" and "Little Giants," in uniformed companies, who seemed

in their activity on a perpetual march with flags and banners, the one shouting for Lincoln the other for Douglas. But the division among the Democrats on the question of principle-a question deemed on either side of overwhelming consequence-turned the scale in favor of the Republicans.

Of the three unsuccessful candidates, Breckinridge received the larger electoral vote. He was a native of Kentucky, born near Lexington in 1821, thus only forty-one years of age. He was well educated, a graduate from Centre College, Kentucky, and an able lawyer. He served as a major during the Mexican war, and distinguished himself as the counsel of General Pillow during the famous court-martial. From 1851 to 1855 he was a member of Congress; and from 1857 to 1861 Vice-President, and then was sent to succeed John J. Crittenden in the United States Senate. With the breaking out of the civil war he went into the Southern army, and was subsequently Secretary of War at Richmond.

John Bell was sixty-four years of age, an eminent lawyer and statesman, who had been for nearly a quarter of a century in the councils at Washington; at one time Speaker of the House, and on many occasions serving as chairman of important committees in the Senate. He was greatly respected for his nationality of sentiment, and it was believed that he would stand by the Constitution at all hazards.

Next to Lincoln, Douglas received the largest popular vote. But the electoral votes stood as follows: one hundred and eighty for Lincoln, twelve for Douglas, seventy-two for Breckinridge, and thirty-nine for Bell. Douglas lifted his voice emphatically for the maintenance of the government when the crisis came. On his death-bed in June, just three months after the inauguration of his rival, his legacy of advice to his children was: "Tell them to support the Constitution and the laws."

With the events of the next four years we are all painfully familiar. As the time drew near for the twentieth Presidential election, the government was still warring for its life. It was a trying ordeal for the people of a great Republic to be compelled to vote for an Executive head in the midst. of the horrors of civil warfare. But it was a national duty that could not be evaded. The magnitude of the interests involved, the conviction that was gaining on the public mind that no one political party was strong enough to conquer the South, and the sacrifices of treasure and bloodunparalleled in the history of wars and of nations-which had already distinguished the conflict, made it overwhelmingly apparent that the wisest and most sagacious of statesmen were as necessary for the country's good as the greatest generals in the field. Opinions clashed as to the propri

ety of renominating Mr. Lincoln. His administration was sharply criticised. Taxes were increasing, and the public debt was becoming larger every day. The cry for peace, on humiliating terms, was aggravating and protracting the war; and regiments returning home, worn, weary, maimed and depleted, were filling the towns and cities with demoralized inhabitants. "We are beset by dangers, foremost of which is the Presidential canvass," wrote Thurlow Weed to Mr. Parks, in London, on April 17, 1864.

The radical wing of the party who had placed Mr. Lincoln in the Presidential chair, and who thought him too slow and indecisive in his war measures, called a convention at Cleveland on the 31st of May for the purpose of nominating some other citizen for the difficult and responsible position. Three hundred and fifty delegates, from fifteen States, met accordingly, and Gen. John Cochrane, of New York, was made chairman. After the adoption of a platform, John C. Fremont was nominated for President, and Gen. John Cochrane for Vice-President. The general convention of Republicans met in Baltimore on the 7th of June-the following week-over which Governor Dennison, of Ohio, presided. Five hundred delegates were present, Tennessee, Louisiana, Missouri and Arkansas being represented. On the first ballot Mr. Lincoln received all the votes except those from Missouri, which were cast for Gen. Grant in accordance with previous instructions. The nomination was then made unanimous. Before the time came for election in the autumn, both General Fremont and General Cochrane withdrew from the contest in favor of the union of the Republicans in support of their regular candidates.

The choice of the Democratic party for President was George B. McClellan, and for Vice-President George H. Pendleton. The convention was held at Chicago in August, Governor Horatio Seymour, of New York, in the chair. General McClellan was then but thirty-eight years of age, the youngest man ever nominated for the high office. He was five years younger than De Witt Clinton at the time of his candidacy. He was in high favor with the Democratic leaders, who had for months premeditated elevating him to the Presidency of the nation. His career had been full of action. He was the son of Dr. George McClellan, one of the founders, in 1825, of the Jefferson Medical College, in Philadelphia. Sent early to the University of Pennsylvania, he was prepared to enter the Military Academy at West Point at sixteen, from which he was graduated with honors at twenty. This was in 1846, and he was immediately sent to Mexico as Lieutenant of Engineers, where he participated in many of the important battles, and for gallantry and meritorious services was

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